Subsaharan Africa

Ülke sınırları dışındaki enerji vizyon ve hedefleri noktasında Türkiye için en önemli odak coğrafyalardan biri hiç kuşkusuz Sahraaltı Afrika bölgesidir. Gerek nüfus gerekse kaynak zenginliği anlamında önemli bir potansiyeli ihtiva eden Sahraaltı Afrika, Türkiye’nin son 20 yıllık süreçte en çok önem verdiği bölgelerden biri olmuştur. Özellikle Soğuk Savaş sonrasında dış politikanın çeşitlendirilmesi gayreti içerisinde ciddi yakınlaşmanın yaşandığı bölge ülkeleri ile olan ilişkiler 1998 yılındaki “Afrika’ya Açılım Eylem Planı” ile farklı bir şekle bürünmüş; hem siyasi hem de ekonomik işbirliğinin ilk adımları atılmaya başlanmıştır. Bu noktada, faaliyet gösteren birçok ülkeye karşın Türkiye’nin geçmişinde sömürgecilik faaliyetinin bulunmaması ve Afrikalılar için hassas bir konu olan sömürgecilik noktasında temiz bir tarihe sahip oluşu da Ankara’nın bölgeye yönelik eylemlerinde kolaylaştırıcı bir unsur olmuştur. Unutulmamalıdır ki, Türkiye’nin 2005 yılını “Afrika Yılı” ilan etmesinin ardından enerji başta olmak üzere Türkiye’nin hemen her alanda Sahraaltı Afrika ile ilişkilerini geliştirmesi, hem ülkemiz için hem de kıta ülkeleri ile bu ülkelerin insanı için özel bir öneme sahiptir. Uluslararası siyasette her geçen gün daha etkili bir güç olmayı kendisine şiar edinen Ankara’nın kıtadaki varlığı bir yandan Türkiye’nin gerek ekonomik gerekse siyasi olarak Sahraaltı Afrika ülkeleri tarafından desteklenmesi sonucunu doğurabilecekken, diğer yandan ise Sahraaltı Afrika ülkelerini yeni ve farklı bir yaklaşım tarzı ile tanıştıracak, bu sayede kıtanın uluslararası sistemin çeşitli aktörleri tarafından sömürülmesinin önüne geçilebilecektir. Bu yönü ile Türkiye, kıta ülkelerine çeşitli saikler üzerinden kazandırırken, kendisi de yine farklı kanallarla kazanma fırsatını elde etmiş olacaktır. Uzun bir araştırma sürecinin ürünü olan bu eser, Türkiye’nin Sahraaltı Afrika’ya yönelik gerçekleştireceği enerji faaliyetlerine kılavuzluk etmek gayesiyle hazırlanmış ve siz değerli okuyucularımızın istifadelerine sunulmuştur.

Az Afrika Tanulmányok folyóirat különszámaként megjelenő kiadvánnyal rendhagyó módon formát is bontottunk, hiszen a mérete és vizuális világa is eltér a megszokott tudományos számoktól – ez is volt a világos célunk vele! Azt szeretnénk, hogy egy könnyen fogyasztható – természetesen tudományosan megalapozott – tartalom mellett turisztikai ajánlóként is szolgáljon e kiadvány, részletesen bemutatva azokat az útvonalakat, amelyek összekötnek számos híres magyar személyt, tettet, „lábnyomot”, melyek felkeresése váljon a térségbe induló, oda biztonságosan megérkező hazánkfi a és -lánya számára, egyúttal (hiszen angol nyelven is közkinccsé tesszük az Interneten) a Kelet-Afrikában turistáskodók számára.

Il Grand Inga Dam Project rappresenta un mastodontico progetto idroelettrico sul fiume Congo dal costo stimato di circa 80 miliardi di dollari. Il grosso della spesa dovrebbe essere sostenuto dalla Cina, mentre in minima parte alcune organizzazioni internazionali sono state coinvolte nel finanziamento. I benefici che tale progetto apporterebbe al Congo e a tutta l’Africa sub-sahariana sono molti, soprattutto in termini di produzione di energia idroelettrica e di impiego. Allo stesso tempo, si riscontrano varie criticità, su tutte in merito all’impatto ambientale che un’infrastruttura così massiccia potrebbe causare ad intere regioni. L’obiettivo di questo paper è di fare chiarezza su questo grande progetto e sulle effettive conseguenze, positive e negative, che esso potrebbe comportare per molti milioni di Africani.

Residents in Lagos are often stunned by developments in their city: new residential estates are springing up without tarred access roads and appropriate drainage canals for flood water. Riverine areas along the lagoon used as fishing ground for the local communities are converted into tank farms attracting hundreds of tankers crossing residential areas. The Ministry of Physical Planning and Urban Development  has developed model city plans for all the local government areas in Lagos, but they are all too often ignored by economic and political interests. Instead, projects with immense negative social, ecological and economic consequences are imposed on residents and business owners. This study had a closer look at the areas of, housing, slums and informal settlements, urban mobility and transportation, solid waste management and urban mega projects to examine the existing laws, instruments and policies and how they have been applied to the four analyzed case studies. For example the research teams discovered that the development plan for the Lekki Free Zone was designed by the Chinese investors based on Chinese urban planning laws before it was later included into the existing Lekki master plan.Another example is the slum regeneration process in Olaleye-Iponri community implemented in two phases. Yet, 31 years after the commencement, there has been no significant improvement for the community. A few housing units have recently been completed and are now sold to prices which are not affordable for the original residents. All the case study reports vigorously ask for the revival of the local government administrations in Lagos which have been sidelined over the recent years for several reasons. The current top-down and ad-hoc approach will most likely fail in providing much needed infrastructure and a livable environment  in times of a global increase in the influx into the cities.

The full report is available for download at http://ng.boell.org/2016/02/12/urban-planning-processes-lagos

This project is designed to examine the overall benefits of mining to local communities in Ghana through the lens of community benefits agreements (CBAs) in order to make policy recommendations to the Government of Ghana. CBAs are an increasingly common approach by mining companies to gain a “social license to operate” in local communities, upon whom they depend for property rights, workers, contractors, and a stable environment in which to operate. CBAs are well-intentioned vehicles to lay down in formal detail the benefits that the company agrees to provide to the community, both in regard to financial amounts pledged and in the delivery of certain types of employment, procurement, and projects. They are promises by mining companies to go beyond the usual arrangements with national and regional governments for the payment of leases, royalties, and taxes to operate mines. In some countries, such as Canada, they are required, but in Ghana they are voluntary. As will be discussed in a forthcoming study by the authors notes, CBAs generally lack any clear monitoring and evaluation system.  Monitoring and evaluation (M&E) are well-accepted parts of development project practice, yet they have not yet been incorporated to any discernible degree into CBA design and practice. Such systems would be vital to provide evidence that mining companies are fulfilling their promises to the communities in which they operate.
In order to better understand the benefits of CBAs to mining communities, we situate our study within the broader context of the political economy of mining and mining governance in Ghana. Within this context, we visited three mining sites in Ghana in April 2018, Newmont Ahafo, Golden Star in Bogoso, and AngloGoldAshanti in Tarkwa. All three sites are enormously important for mining in Ghana, particularly in terms of employment and revenue generation, and thus provide a potentially important vehicle for local development. Moreover, all three companies have won corporate social responsibility awards. The most prominent of these is Newmont, whose efforts at transparency and community benefits have garnered many international accolades.  Unlike other studies of mining in Ghana, our approach was not site specific, but comparative, to see if there were patterns across sites in terms of community perceptions about benefits. To this end, we conducted interviews in and commissioned a survey of residents in three communities hosting mining operations, Kenyasi (Newmont), Prestea/Bogoso (GoldenStar Resources), and Tarkwa (AngloGold Ashanti).
Our interviews and survey data revealed surprising consonance across all three communities. The perception towards mining, even with the arrival of CBAs, remains predominantly negative and frustrated. Regarding CBA priorities, generating employment and education/training received the greatest priority across all three cases.  Data across the three cases revealed strong perceptions that mining had brought little to no benefit to the communities.  Also consistent across the three cases were strong perceptions of poor relations between communities and mining companies. The data revealed several ‘deficits’ in the governance of CBAs, manifest in perceptions of inadequate representation and accountability between the community and company and the community and the government, and perceptions of a cozy relationship between the government and mining companies. Each community expressed a strong preference for third-party M&E of CBAs and greater community participation in M&E, indicating a lack of trust in mining companies, which in turn reflects perceptions of the lack of transparency in the implementation of CBAs by mining companies. We also found the existence of a ‘governance paradox’ wherein communities look to mining companies as a primary source of public services and public goods, which creates unrealistic community expectations, undermines the building of local government capacity, and erodes the systems of accountability necessary for democratic decision-making.

While we would not wish to dismiss the very important contributions of mining to the national economy, and particularly to revenues, we believe that public policy, and legal-regulatory measures can ameliorate the situation by better channeling those revenues at the local level towards more sustainable and diversified employment creation, which is the overriding source of frustration for locals. We also believe that better communication among the national, regional, and local levels is vital, and that the governance systems for benefits allocation and monitoring and evaluation needs to be far more transparent.
We offer a set of broad policy and legal-regulatory recommendations and a set of recommendations specific to CBAs, directed at the appropriate national, regional, and local government authorities in Ghana.
Broad Recommendations:
• Implement fully the 2014 Minerals and Mining Policy of Ghana, and the 2016 Minerals Development Fund Act (MDF); develop a long-term plan integrating mining into a wider vision of a diversified high income, high wage economy. 
• Make CBAs a mandatory, legally binding obligation for all large-scale mining operations; re-orient CBAs towards building local governance capacity rather than provision of public infrastructure and public services. 
• Strengthen the mining fiscal regime (higher royalties and taxes). 
• Strengthen environmental regulations; ensure that the EPA is well resourced; adopt a continual monitoring system for environmental indicators at all mine sites.
• Engage in a pro-active campaign to engage artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) in meaningful dialogue; integrate ASM into national mining policy; develop a national policy and strategy to ensure that women participate in and benefit from mining.
Specific Recommendations on M&E of CBAs:
• Address CBA governance deficits – enhance the responsibility, accountability and transparency of CBAs, and enhance community representation and participation in CBA decision-making.
• Adopt international best practices by providing guidelines for mandatory benefits agreements, Free and Prior Informed Consent by communities for projects, and participant-oriented, truly independent monitoring and evaluation.
• Create a socioeconomic baseline for each community and monitoring should take place to see how mining is affecting the general welfare. Clear and publicly available indicators and targets are a must to assess and demonstrate progress. 
• M&E frameworks for CBAs should include both quantitative data and qualitative data, incorporate participatory methods, and enhance downward as well as upward accountability.
• All projects should undergo due diligence in regard to both procurement and hiring.
• Direct efforts to build local capacity for monitoring and evaluation by neutral experts who are trusted by the community and paid out of general funds, rather than the mining company, to avoid the appearance of a conflict of interest. 
• Give mining communities better access to legal representation to defend their rights.
We therefore strongly recommend rethinking the relationships among the mining companies and national, regional, and local governments to create more government-directed and accountable long-term development plans to better utilize and invest mining proceeds. We believe that with a basic policy reorientation along these lines, the situation for local development and political support for mining can dramatically improve.

The research on which this report is based was commissioned by the MasterCard Foundation (MCF). The aim of the research, as set out in the MCF Terms of Reference, is to provide an overview of international approaches, best practice and instruments used in the development of Teaching Evaluation Systems (TES), which is then used to formulate recommendations for the development of such a system for use by MCF to evaluate the Secondary Education Teachers Initiative (SETI) it is implementing, initially in Rwanda but which can be adapted to other country contexts.

La colonisation de l’hinterland africain par les puissances européennes entre le XIXe et le XXe s’accompagne de la création des sphères d’influences délimitées par des frontières. Celles-ci divisent les peuples africains ayant en commun des éléments géographiques, socio-politiques, culturelles, historiques entre autres. Tel est le cas des Bamoun et des Banso, peuples tikar du Cameroun lorsque ce territoire fut partagé entre la France et la Grande-Bretagne de 1916 à 1961. Comment le patrimoine socio-culturel des Bamoun et des Banso leur permit-il de surmonter l’obstacle posé par la frontière franco-britannique entre 1916 et 1961 ? Les sources écrites (archives, ouvrages, articles, thèses) et orales exploitées pour la réalisation du présent travail permettent d’affirmer que le caractère commun de leur patrimoine socio-culturel facilita le rapprochement de ces deux peuples et leur permit d’affronter la domination sans perdre leur identité. L’hospitalité, la perpétuation des échanges commerciaux inter-royaumes, pratiques séculaires héritées des anciens, la culture politique développée des siècles durant et transmis d’âge en âge par les Bamoun et les Banso avant l’arrivée des Européens leur permirent de surmonter les difficultés liées à la frontière.

En esta edición se aborda el ascenso del nacionalismo y el autoritarismo como parte de una tendencia mundial, con particularidades específicas  según el contexto político y social y en un momento aumento de los gastos de los militares y de ruptura de algunos de los pactos de control de armamento nuclear. También se presentan algunas propuestas enmarcadas en el fortalecimiento del multilateralismo democrático y en la promoción de la ciudadanía global.

En el apartado de las perspectivas regionales se analiza el ciclo electoral en América Latina, así como la crisis de la integración y el regionalismo con el desmantelamiento de Unasur. Y se hace un análisis sobre la Comisión Internacional contra la Impunidad en Guatemala (CICIG). Se aborda el mandato de Xi Jinping en China y se presenta una metodología de "Historia de la paz" para el caso de Sri Lanka y Filipinas. También se incluye un análisis de Arabia Saudí y el ascenso del príncipe Bin Salman y se cierra el anuario con África Subsahariana, la deriva autoritaria y los nuevos procesos de democratización que se están produciendo.

Özet: 2016 yılında zorunlu nedenlerle ülkesinden ayrılmak zorunda kalan (refugee) 25,9 milyon İnsanın 3,1 milyonuna Türkiye ev sahipliği yapmaktadır. Türkiye sınır komşusu olan Suriye'de yaşanan iç savaştan kaçan Suriyelilere sınır kapılarını açma kararıyla 2016 yılında en fazla mülteci kabul eden ülke sıfatına sahip olmuştur. Dünyada ise uluslararası göçmen sayısında yaşanan artış, dünya nüfusunun artışından daha hızlı gerçekleşmektedir. 2010 yılında 220 milyon olan uluslararası göçmen (International migrants) sayısı 2017 yılında 258 milyona ulaşmıştır. Bahsi geçen bu sayılar, Türkiye'de ve dünyada göç politikalarının ve yönetiminin ne kadar önemli olduğunu gerekçelendirmektedir.1990'ların sonunda başlatılan Türkiye'nin Afrika ülkelerine açılım politikasıyla Türkiye, Sahraaltı Afrika ülkeleri için ekonomik, siyasî ve ticarî açıdan çekim merkezi haline gelmiştir. Günümüzde Afrika kaynaklı uluslararası göçmenlerde yaşanan ciddi artış, Türkiye'nin göç politikalarında Afrikalı göçmenlere daha çok önem ve dikkat atfetmesi gerektiğini göstermektedir. Türkiye için henüz tehdit oluşturmasa da ülkede artan Afrikalı göçmen, mülteci ve sığınmacı sayısı zaman içinde iyi yönetilemediği takdirde çeşitli krizlere neden olacaktır.Çalışmanın amacı, Türkiye'nin göç politikalarında Afrikalıların konumunu saptamak, bütüncül bir göç politikası içinde Sahraaltı Afrika kaynaklı göçün gelişimini gözlemlemek ve konuyla ilgili revizyonsit politikaların özelliğini belirlemektir.Çalışmanın ana hipotezi, göçün uluslararası bir kriz olduğundan, birtakım krizler gibi küreselleştiğinden ve bu krizin çeşitli politikalarla/planlamalarla aşılması gerektiğinden hareketle Türkiye'ye yapılan Sahraaltı Afrika kaynaklı göçün tehditten çok fırsata dönüşebileceğiyle ilgilidir. Buna göre çalışmanın birinci bölümünde göç; kuramsal ve kavramsal olarak ele alınıp incelenecek ve uluslararası güvenlik kavramı içinde değerlendirilecektir. İkinci bölümde uluslararası sistemde göç politikası ve yönetimi ele alınacaktır. Çalışmanın üçüncü ve son bölümünde ise Türkiye'nin göç politikasında ve yönetiminde Sahraaltı Afrika ülkelerinden gelen sığınmacıların durumu tespit edilerek ileride karşılaşılabilecek sorunlara çözüm önerileri sunulacaktır.
Abstract: In 2016, Turkey hosted 3,1 million of 25,9 million refugees. In the same year, Turkey was titled as the country with the largest refugee population worldwide with its decision of an open border policy for Syrians who fled the Syrian Civil War. On the other hand, in the World, the number of international migrants worldwide has grown faster than the world's population. The number of international migrants, which was 220 million in 2010 reached 258 million in 2017. These numbers give justification to why immigration policy and management is so important for both the world and Turkey's policy. Turkey is an attractive spot for Sub-saharan African countries (in terms of economic, political and commercial) because she adopted the Action Plan for Opening Up to Africa in the late 1990's. Today there is an increase in the number of African immigrants which the Turkish immigration policy should give more importance and attention. Today African immigrants are not a problem for Turkey but the increase of African immigrants may cause several crises if not well managed.The aim of this study is to determine the position of Africans in Turkey's immigration policy, to monitor the increase of migration from Sub-Saharan Africa and to determine the nature of the revision based policies. The main hypothesis of this article, migration is an international crisis and this crisis must be overcome. Sub-Saharan African origins emigrated to Turkey may be an opportunity rather than a threat. In the first part of the study migration will be examined and analyzed in the concept of international security. In the second part migration policy and management in international system will be discussed. In the third and final part of the study, Turkey's immigration policy and the management of the status of immigrants from sub-Saharan African countries will be identified and solutions presented for the future problems that may be encountered.