Eastern Roman provinces (Archaeology)

The author considers the widely accepted theory of а hard crisis that Mediterranean trade with Arabia and India suffered from the end of the 2nd century through the entire 3rd century AD. The events of the political history of the Roman Empire, especially in Egypt and Syria, demonstrate that what took place was not the disappearance of the trade relations, but the fact that the richest provinces of Rome were getting out of control of the central power. That is why а small number of Roman coins in India and Arabia саn not bе used for proving the increasing difficulties in trade between regions in question ‒ sea-trade did not die, but passed into the hands of local rulers, numerous usurpators (Odenatus), local kings (Zenobiа), etc. Consequently, thе ways of goods exchange had tо change. Тhе recovery of the strength of Roman government made possible the comeback of the Roman сurrеnсу оn the trade routes tо India, which indicates not thе end of trade crisis, but thе comeback of Roman central power оn the routes from Egypt and Syria tо India and Arabia through the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf.

A Arabia Petraea, ou província Arábia como também é conhecida, teve sua fundação pelos romanos em 106 d.C., mas já se constituíra como um reino cliente do Império Romano desde o ano 63 da era comum. Teve uma importante função estratégica de guardar a retaguarda da Judeia e o flanco sul da Síria. A instabilidade gerada por rivalidades e interesses particulares dos diferentes estados clientes acabou inclinando Roma para a solução de uma provincialização gradual e definitiva da região. Apesar de ser o reino cliente mais estável, a Nabateia foi um hiato na geografia oriental do império. Sua anexação respondeu, portanto, a abor­dagens estratégicas e territoriais de curto e longo prazo, fundamentalmente a uma racionalização da gestão do Oriente Romano, que abriu uma fase completamente nova na história da região. É nosso objetivo neste artigo apresentar o histórico da conquista romana sobre os nabateus, a constituição geográfica desta província e as questões político-econômicas que envolve...

In 106 CE the Romans added the territories of the former Nabataean Kingdom to their empire, thus creating a new province called Arabia. Although we have no contemporary literary sources about the events connected with the annexation, the legend Arabia adquisita on the first issued coins, rather than Arabia capta, together with the Trajan’s decision not to take on the title of Arabicus, has led some scholars to believe that the annexation of the Nabataean Kingdom was substantially peaceful. Recent archaeological discoveries and inscriptions can, however, give us more information regarding the events that occurred during the early years of the 2nd century CE.

The Metropolitan Museum of Art symposium “Palmyra: Mirage in the Desert” was held in honor of Dr. Khaled al-Asa‘ad, who was Director of Archaeology at Palmyra and Director of its Museum for almost his entire lifetime.  I owe Dr. al-Asa‘ad a huge debt of gratitude, and I hope, with this essay, to repay one small part of that debt.

The late Antique mosaic of Orpheus decorated a small room, approximately 18 m2 in area, connected with two even smaller ones, in 4 m2 and the other 2 m2 in area, belonging most likely to a small funerary chapel (or tomb) discovered in the ancient necropolis by the Damascene Gate in Jerusalem; it was discovered in 1901 by H. Vincent.
The author proposes a new interpretation of the iconographic program of the Orpheus myth used by wealthy Christians in a sepulchral context (see Olszewski M.T. «Orphée endeuillé de la mosaïque funéraire de Jérusalem», in Rey Mimoso-Ruiz, B. ed., Actes du colloque «Orphée entre Soleil et ombre», à l’Institut Catholique de Toulouse du 16 au 17 novembre 2007, Inter Lignes, numéros spécial – mars 2008, pp. 205-214, 226). He also proposes a new interpretation of the role Orpheus played in Roman funerary art, concentrating on the importance of the play on words and the visual and textual punning that was popular in ancient art and especially in funerary art. He rejects the popular interpretation of Orpheus as Christ in the Roman catacombs and proposes to interpret the image as that of Orpheus, bard of the departed souls, without any ahistorical connection with Christ. The program of the mosaic from Jerusalem is thus explained as a play on the words Orpheus-orphanos and Chiron (Chi-Rho) and Pan [Παν(τοκράτωρ)].The frequently used Christian funerary formula of resting in peace, Christ or the Lord corresponds
perfectly with the mood created around the mythical bard.
Orpheus’ universal role as singer and musician moving even the most stony of hearts, extolling the beloved departed, is absolutely justified in the context of a 6th-century Christian tomb. Orpheus is a popular and neutral figure, meaning that in effect it does not constitute a threat to Christian theology and can be tolerated by the educated Christians of Jerusalem.

More than 20 years after presenting his first interpretation of the mosaic from the House of Aion in a paper entitled “Uwagi na temat mozaiki z Domu Aiona w Nea Paphos (Cypr)” (Meander 9/10, 1987, p. 421-438, in Polish, and translated to English: « The Immortality of the Human Soul and the Dionysiac Mysteries in the 4th Century Allegory [in Connection with the Interpretation of the Mosaic from the “House of Aion” at Paphos in Cyprus]»), where he proposed reading the five mythological panels (1. Leda and Zeus; 2. Dionysus on Mount Nysa; 3. The Dionysian thiasos; 4. Apollo and Marsyas; 5. The Apotheosis of Cassiopeia) as an allegory of the destiny of the human soul and body, starting with conception and ending with the liberation of the soul and its apotheosis, the author now enhances his initial interpretation with numerous reflections concerning the historical context of this work of art, created in the years 320-360.
If, according to the author, the mosaic is a “Hymn” in honour of the pagan gods, Man (his soul) and his place in the (pagan) universe, then at the same time it polemicises with the Christian faith and its God, Jesus Christ.
The author puts forward numerous new solutions relating to the mosaic’s iconography and iconology. Analysis of the mosaic also leads him to propose a solution to the as-yet unanswered question regarding the absence of images of the crucified Christ in Christian art of the 3rd and 4th centuries, up until 420/430, when the first images of Christ on the cross appear.
CONTENTS:
Introduction
1. Research to-date (recap)
2. Description of mosaic (recap)
2.1. Composition of five mythological scenes
2.2. Brief iconographic description of mythological panels
2.3. Outline of individual iconographic elements and their respective roles
2.4. The pagan gods’ air of majesty and dignity as an expression of piety
3. A few words about the pagan reaction
4. An apology of pious human life according to pagan principles and a polemic on the Christian model of Man and his theological idol, Jesus Christ
4.1. Divine intervention in the act of human conception (allusion to/polemic on the Annunciation to the Virgin Mary)
4.2. The Epiphany of Dionysus (an allusion to the Epiphany of Christ – Theou Pais)
4.3. The procession and dissemination of Dionysian order (allusion to/polemic on Christ’s entry into Jerusalem)
4.4. The error of Marsyas (polemic on/allusion to the error of Jesus the Messiah): arrest, sentencing for arrogance and lack of piety (asebeia) and condemnation to a martyr’s death
4.5. The anabasis (or anagoge psyches) of a ‘beautiful soul’ (allusion to/polemic on the Ascension of Christ)
5. A few words on the mosaic programme prior to final conclusions
Final conclusions

Studies of the Roman convivium have traditionally focused ont he literary, artistic, and architectural evidence of the event. As such, our understanding of Roman dining is biased toward an elite population that provides the bulk of such information. Missing from the discussion is a materials-based approach whereby the utensils of dining provide information on the mechanics of social meals. Here I present an analysis of 12 Roman table assemblages that identifies patterns of vessel groups to which I apply functional possibilities informed by literary and artistic evidence. The results of the analysis are contextualized using primary literary, artistic, and architectural evidence from which interpretations of dining behavior are offered. Two divergent traditions of dining are identified. One, which I call status dining, confirms the established model of Roman dining, which is centered on individual service so that status boundaries are maintained at the table. The other emphasizes group service through the use of shared vessels, introducing a new style of dining in the Roman world that I call convivial dining. The dining models are placed in their historical and social contexts, and an argument is made for the emergence of convivial dining as a response to a decreasing social identity among the Late Roman sub-elite after the third century and the growth of Christianity in the fourth century.

The book attempts to present –for the first time in the international bibliography– a detailed description of the historical life of Abydos (Άβυδος) of Hellespont (Ελλήσποντος, Δαρδανέλλια); the latter was an important ancient and medieval Greek city, situated on the Asiatic shore of Dardanelles, at the once narrowest part of the local Straits (usually named "Stenon of Abydos") and in the surrounding area of the promontory of Nara (an Ottoman and modern Turkish naval base, where free access is prohibited). The monograph also detects the  relations between Abydos and other known settlements in the wider region of northwestern Asia Minor (Troad, Hellespont, Mysia, Hellespontine Phrygia).

Αbydos was founded predominantly as a colony of Miletus (ca. 680-650 BC) and had a continuous historical life that lasted about 2.000 years (mid. 7th c. BC - early 14th c. AD). The prosperous ancient city minted various coins between 6th c. BC - 3rd c. AD. Its lively port was used for centuries as a key point for the passage from Europe to Asia and the cruise from the Mediterranean to the Black Sea (and vice versa) as well as a major customs station ("telonion Abydou" during the Roman imperial years, "demosion teloneion" or "kommerkion" or "dekateuterion Abydou" during the medieval period of the city). Byzantine Abydos was also an important administrative center, a military and naval base and an ecclesiastical seat (bishopric and later metropolis).

However, the long and turbulent history of Abydos and its region is virtually unknown in modern years, despite the fact that the city's reputation was particularly widespread during ancient and medieval times in the Mediterranean world. Moreover, for many reasons noted in the book, the settlement does not exist archaeologically in the last two centuries. In short, Abydos constitutes a very interesting case of a virtually lost city during the modern times.

For various reasons, also described in the book, the importance of Abydos had declined during the 13th c. AD and the city was finally abandoned by its population in the early 14th c. AD., mainly because of the Turkish threat in the area. From mid. 15th c. AD the new city of Çanakkale was established gradually (initially named as Kale-i Sultaniye) 5-6 km to the south of Abydos. The ruins of the abandoned urban area of ​​the latter have been systematically pillaged -mainly for construction and other purposes- between the 14th - early 19th c. AD.

For the reconstruction of  the long historical life of Abydos (mid. 7th c. BC - early 14th c. AD) and an in-depth analysis of its numerous and largely unknown institutions, the study relies though on the information providing by the written (ancient and medieval) texts but also on the scarce and dispersed epigraphic and the much richer numismatic (the city minted coins between 6th c. BC - 3rd c. AD) and sigillographic data and other archaeological findings regarding (or deriving from) the city. It also takes into account all the contemporary related publications.

[VANIAS publications,  Thessaloniki 2017,  752 pages,  ISBN: 978-960-288-342-6,  text in Greek language with an English summary]

Sundials in Roman and Byzantine Mosaics (1st – 9th Century AD). A scientific monograph. The sundials on ancient mosaics have not been the subject of scientific studies so far. The author has gathered together  in this  publication  the sundials  already known (Torre Anunzaiata, Sarsina, Trier, Saint-Romain-en-Gal, Antioch and Brading; Figs. 1, 2, 4, 5, 7, 9) and those which have  not  previously  been  identified.  Thanks  to  the author’s  new  identifcations,  the  catalogue  has  been enlarged  by  six  new  sundials (Grand,Tarsus, Antiochia – interpreted by H. Pamir; Figs.  3, 6,  8, and 10. Tayibat al-Imam, Jerusalem and Umm al-Rasas (Sebastis); Figs. 10, 11, 12) and three monumental gnomes-columns with multiple functions that were used as monumental sundials [Madaba (Jerusalem), Umm al-Rasas (Kastron Mefaa) and Rome (Jerusalem); Figs. 13–15]. In addition, recognizing fully John H. Humphrey’s  interpretations,  the  author  enriches  the catalogue  by  eight  ancient  mosaic  representations  of obelisks in  circuses (Lyon, Barcelona, Volubilis, Piazza Armerina - two mosaics, Girona, Carthage and Gafsa; Figs.  16–23).  They  performed the roles of monumental sundials. In this way, the catalogue includes  twenty-three  mosaics with  the representations of sundials. They come from the Western and Eastern Provinces of the Roman Empire. The first mosaic is dated to the beginning of the 1st century AD and the last dates to the 9th century AD. The author, after  a  short  description  of each monument,  summarizes the issue discussing the role of sundials in Roman and Byzantine society, their complex signifcance and symbolic dificult linked with the progress of time on which nature and human life are dependent. See Pdf : https://www.academia.edu/22653583/

More than 20 years after presenting his first interpretation of the mosaic from the House of Aion in a paper entitled “Uwagi na temat mozaiki z Domu Aiona w Nea Paphos (Cypr)” (Meander 9/10, 1987, p. 421-438, in Polish, and translated to English: « The Immortality of the Human Soul and the Dionysiac Mysteries in the 4th Century Allegory [in Connection with the Interpretation of the Mosaic from the “House of Aion” at Paphos in Cyprus]»), where he proposed reading the five mythological panels (1. Leda and Zeus; 2. Dionysus on Mount Nysa; 3. The Dionysian thiasos; 4. Apollo and Marsyas; 5. The Apotheosis of Cassiopeia) as an allegory of the destiny of the human soul and body, starting with conception and ending with the liberation of the soul and its apotheosis, the author now enhances his initial interpretation with numerous reflections concerning the historical context of this work of art, created in the years 320-360.
If, according to the author, the mosaic is a “Hymn” in honour of the pagan gods, Man (his soul) and his place in the (pagan) universe, then at the same time it polemicises with the Christian faith and its God, Jesus Christ.
The author puts forward numerous new solutions relating to the mosaic’s iconography and iconology. Analysis of the mosaic also leads him to propose a solution to the as-yet unanswered question regarding the absence of images of the crucified Christ in Christian art of the 3rd and 4th centuries, up until 420/430, when the first images of Christ on the cross appear.
CONTENTS:
Introduction
1. Research to-date (recap)
2. Description of mosaic (recap)
2.1. Composition of five mythological scenes
2.2. Brief iconographic description of mythological panels
2.3. Outline of individual iconographic elements and their respective roles
2.4. The pagan gods’ air of majesty and dignity as an expression of piety
3. A few words about the pagan reaction
4. An apology of pious human life according to pagan principles and a polemic on the Christian model of Man and his theological idol, Jesus Christ
4.1. Divine intervention in the act of human conception (allusion to/polemic on the Annunciation to the Virgin Mary)
4.2. The Epiphany of Dionysus (an allusion to the Epiphany of Christ – Theou Pais)
4.3. The procession and dissemination of Dionysian order (allusion to/polemic on Christ’s entry into Jerusalem)
4.4. The error of Marsyas (polemic on/allusion to the error of Jesus the Messiah): arrest, sentencing for arrogance and lack of piety (asebeia) and condemnation to a martyr’s death
4.5. The anabasis (or anagoge psyches) of a ‘beautiful soul’ (allusion to/polemic on the Ascension of Christ)
5. A few words on the mosaic programme prior to final conclusions
Final conclusions
Key words: mythological mosaic, House of Aion, Nea Paphos, Late Antiquity, Roman art, allegorical narrative, allusive language of mythological pictures, wordplay (Marsyas-Messias), Jesus Christ, anti-Christian polemic, Dionysos, Cassiopeia, Apollon, Nereides, Abstract Personifications, Greek Mythology, ΚΥΠΡΟΣ

"This paper proposes three new (and tentatively, another two) identifications of sundials in Middle Eastern mosaics of the 5th – 8th century. The author discusses a vignette from the Holy Martyrs’ Church at Tayibat al-Imâm, central Syria, a mosaic panel from the tomb of Georgia and Theodosia in Jerusalem, two
vignettes of Sebastis and Kastron Mefaa from the St. Stephan’s Church at Umm al-Rasas, and a vignette of Jerusalem from the St. George’s Church at Madaba. These mosaics date, respectively, to 442, to the reign of Justinian (527 –565), and to the Byzantine Umayyad era (718). According to the author, these are probably the latest representations of sundials known to date from the Late Antiquity. Until this study, only six representations of sundials on mosaics from the Roman period were known. This paper adds three new items and two hypothetical ones from Byzantine times. It also offers an interpretation of the function of the famous column in Jerusalem, shown on the map of Madaba and the mega-vignette of the Holy City.
Key words: Sundials, Sonnenhuhren, Meridiane, Cadrans solaires, Relojes de sol."

Autonomous civic coinage in Lycia during Hellenistic and Early Roman Imperial Periods. The page numbers in the pdf should be read as 769-787

Note that the coin in pic. 37 is not a coin of Rhodiapolis; I was mistaken about it because of the magistrate name on the coin. It belongs to Southern Italy.

Monumental civic fountains and nymphaea were financed by Emperors and wealthy patrons in cities throughout the ancient Roman Empire. These imposing edifices contained elaborate sculptural programs that often interacted with flowing water to create innovative kinetic displays. Typically fed by aqueducts and positioned in heavily trafficked areas of the city, these extravagant fountains showcased a variety of sculptures, from donor portraits to divinities to local heroes, carefully arranged to highlight the prestige of the local community and benefactor.
The study of fountain sculptures has only the past few years attracted the scholars' attention. This paper discusses the placement and function of sculptures within the fountain structures in relation with water (either directly, indirectly, through local myths and cults. Imperial and private portraiture underline the imperial power and the prestige of local Elite. Sculptural display programs are used either to glorify the Emperor and his family, or honoring the local gods, or in some cases, underline the dynamic local Elite. The significance of choices on a local, regional, imperial level leads us to study sculptural display programs of monumental nymphaea as a reflection of the patrons and the city’s status and power.
Monumental nymphaea are seen as products of historical and social conditions. This paper tries to reconstruct their role in the mainland and island Greece during the roman period

The focus of this work has been to interpret aspects of the ancient coinages of Syria-Palestine and the coinage alloys, as well as put the results in a defined political, social and economic context in the Roman period. One of the major contributions is the analytical study of the chemical constituents of the early provincial coinage of Judaea that brought new approaches to the interpretation of the regional coinages and coinage alloys. The author imagines much progress will be made in this field in years to come, as some of the presently on-going archaeometallurgical research will be published. Trace element level profiles for the early provincial coinage of Judaea suggest that the firstRoman governors may have been responsible for removing the stock of pre-Roman bronze coins from circulation and initiating a process of their liquidation in A.D. 6. The most noteworthy changes in the chemical composition of the provincial coinage of Judaea occurred under Emperor Tiberius (A.D. 15-37), which in turn has prompted ideas about changing the mandate periods of some of the Roman governors.
Furthermore, the new interpretation of the coin data from Qumran indicates that the site had an advanced monetary economy in the Roman period similar to contemporary sites in Israel. The important archaeological conclusion emerging from the study of the Qumran silver, as far as the settlement chronology is concerned, is that the burial date of most of the silver caches does not support the chronology suggested by the original excavator for the main occupational periods. The earliest possible burial date for one or more of the Qumran silver coin hoards is in the light of this study conclusively not 9/8 B.C. but ca. A.D. 52/53-66, either before or during the First Jewish Revolt (A.D. 66-70). However, the extraordinary manner of seemingly simultaneous archaeological
burials in mostly unknown ceramic vessel types, in the mind of the author points to a burial date for all the three hoards possibly in the post A.D. 210 period.

The article focuses on the author's research on the chronographical background of the Zodiac Mosaic Calendar in Synagogue at Hammath-Tiberias. He researched to find the origin of mosaic decoration, the twelve zodiac sign, the four seasons, and Helios, which was found in synagogues in two parts of Palestine, Galilee and Judah. The chronograph of the mosaic art was extensively debated. The author further studied the history of Palestine Jews in the 4th century. Most of the work was done during the period of Hillel II.
The author concludes that the mosaic from the Stratum IIa synagogue with the Zodiac Calendar was executed in the time of Hillel II, who said to have died around 365 CE. He proposes the new date of the execution of the Zodiac Mosaic from Hammat-Tiberia (Stratum IIa) after the earthquake in 363, that is, in 364 or 365.

This paper deals with some questions concerning the iconography, iconology and date of execution of the famous mosaic pavement from Sheikh Zoueide in Sinai, now exibited in the Ismailiya Museum. The author analyses both the mythological mosaic with the representation of various subjects, like Dionysiac procession, Nilotic theme, Hippolytos and Phaedra, and another geometric mosaic. The iconological study of all symbolic elements sheds light on the mentality of Nestor who lived in this house and of other inhabitants of the city.  The author sees the great influence of Egypt probably of Alexandria, in the mosaic's style. He also discusses stylistic problems and suggests a date of its execution in the first half of the 5th century.
On the iconological study of the mosaic see also: M.T. Olszewski, Mauvais œil et protection contre l'envie dans la mosaïque de Cheikh Zouède au Sinaï (IV-Ve siècle), published in: Paunier, D., Schmidt, Ch (ed. by), la Mosaïque gréco-romaine VIII. Actes du  VIIIe Colloque international de la mosaïque antique et médiévale, Lausanne 1997 (2001), pp. 276-301.
M.T.Olszewski, Two Late Antique synonymous mosaics from Sheikh Zuweid (Egypt) and Vinon (France) (translated) / Deux  mosaïques  synonimiques  de l’antiquité tardive: Cheikh  Zouède  (Egypte)  et  Vinon  (France) / Dwie późnoantyczne mozaiki synonimiczne z Szeikh Zued (Egipt) i Vinon (Francja) - (in Polish), Światowit IV-A, 2002, pp. 99-105.

The multivarious arrangement of mosaic floor pavements in Greek and Roman houses provides us today with clues as to the presumed function of the rooms they decorated. This is something that Pierre Gros recently evoked in his L'architecture romaine, his excellent synthesis of Roman architecture published in Paris in 2001 by Picard. The architectural layout and decoration, especially the mosaic floors, of the given rooms in the House of Leukaktios in Ptolemais have lent support to this idea, contributing to an understanding of specific purpose and function, which can be deemed as very likely.

Spread of piratical activities, which seen in the southern costs of Asia Minor during the first and second centuries B.C., is directly related to the eastern policy of Rome. Roman policies, in direction to weaken the Seleucids and especially Rhodes, which was actively fighting against piracy, have created a great vacuum of authority in the southern costs of Asia Minor. The expansion of piracy in accordance with the political situation in the region was not seen as a threat by Rome at first. In fact Rome, which urgently in the need of slaves during the midst of the 2nd century B.C. was supporting piracy indirectly by purchasing the slaves provided by pirates. The establishment of the province of Asia on the territory of the former Attalid kingdom, which was bequeathed to Rome by Attalos III, who died in 133 B.C, however, increased the political and economic importance of Anatolia for Rome. In parallel to the increasing importance of Anatolia, some military and political measures were taken by Rome against piracy. Consequently, after the military campaign of M. Antonius against pirates in 102 B.C., the province of Cilicia founded by the separation of the southern part of the Asia according to the Lex de Provinciis Praetoriis passed in 100 B.C. Although the governors of Cilicia, following M. Antonius, fought against piracy during next 35 years the piracy in the region could not prevented permanently. As a result of the expedition of Pompey against the pirates, who has granted extraordinary powers, in 67 B.C., the piracy in southern costs of Asia Minor eventually ceased to be a primary problem for Rome.

The paper focuses on the development and the decline of the ancient settlement of Myos Hormos, which was a
prominent port on the Red Sea coast of Egypt. Many writers from the first centuries BCE and CE agree on describing
it as one of the most important commercial hubs of the area, along the more southern port of Berenike. Still, while
Berenike kept its functionality well into the late antique period, Myos Hormos was abandoned and fell out of use for
no evident reason at some point along the third century CE. This decline has been explained by most scholars as a
consequence of the third century crisis that stroke the Empire, and that triggered a steady regression of the Roman
trading activities in the Red Sea. In this paper a different point of view is offered: the demise of Myos Hormos would
not have anything to do with commercial decline nor with the shrinking of the trading horizon of the Romans, but
it was rather the consequence of an adjustement of the organisation of the Red Sea area that started during the
second century CE.

... 390 zeev weiss of the city are known elsewhere in ancient Palestine, but the best paral ... according to Josephus—to help the Sepphoreans who came before him at Ptolemais (Akko) by sending ... 33 For a discussion of the coins minted in Sepphoris, see Meshorer 1979, 159–71, esp ...

The scenes tell the story of the founding of Pella/Apamea and further development of this city on the Orontes river. Three main groups of scenes can be distinguished: (1) the foundation of Pella-on-the-Orontes by the legendary Archippos, (2) the (re)foundation of the city as Apamea-on-the-Orontes (earlier Pella-on-the-Orontes) by Seleucus I Nikator and the simultaneous financial generosity of his wife, Apama, for the development of the new Seleucid colony in 300 BC, and (3) the raising of the town fortifications around monumental public buildings and an illustration of the daily life of a joyous people living in the rich Apamean agglomeration and hinterland. Features of style date the panels to the 4th century AD.

The mosaic from Sheikh Zuweid on the western coast of North Sinai, discovered in 1913, as well as the mosaic brought to light in 1919 at Vinon near Aix-en-Provence in southern France had to wait until the end of the 20th century for scholarly studies to focus again on their iconography, but also their iconological program. It is the reading of this program that one can truly call sensational. The mosaic from Sinai consists of three panels: Hippolytus and Phaedra, a Dionysian cortege and an inscription surrounded with motifs referring to the fauna and flora of a Nilotic landscape as well as to iconography of the seasons of Spring and Fall. The mosaic from Vinon also consists of three pictures: Dionysus offering Ikarios the grapevine, the Three Graces and a panel depicting a voracious goat defiling the gift of Dionysus. Inscriptions accompany both the mosaics, in Latin at Sheikh Zued and in Greek at Vinon.
Numerous apotropaic symbols and inscriptions are known, but never before has a mythological picture been interpreted as apotropaic. The latest research has shown that the owners of the respective estates had chosen mythological themes in order to protect them and their property from the Evil Eye and Hatred. Dionysian motifs are associated with the putative function of the rooms, where banquets with music and dancing must have been held, and wine must have flowed in abundance. The allusion to the abundance of the Nile was meant to ensure the prosperity and wealth of the house, in similarity to the Dionysian motifs as a matter of fact. Dionysus, Heracles and Venus were patrons of the houses. The interpretation of the two mosaics takes advantage of studies in the field of the history of mentality of the communities standing on the threshold of post-classical times. At the same time, it constitutes a huge step forward in the understanding of this category of finds. The two mosaics confirm what Artemidoros of Daldis (2nd century AD) had to say about the status of pictures: that they could be synonymous in meaning (see: M.T. Olszewski, Le statut de l'image selon Artémidore et l'art romain, in: Morlier, H. ed., IXe Colloque international pour l'étude de la mosaïque antique et médiévale, Roma 5.11.2001-10.11.2001, Collection de l'Ecole Française de Rome 352/2, Rome 2005, pp. 859-880).
See also: M.T. Olszewski, La mosaïque de style naïf de Cheikh Zouède au Sinaï, Archeologia (Warsaw) 53, 2002, pp. 45–61, pls III+VI; M.T. Olszewski, Mauvais œil et protection contre l'envie dans la mosaïque de Cheikh Zouède au Sinaï (IV-Ve siècle), in: Paunier, D., Schmidt, Ch (ed. by), la Mosaïque gréco-romaine VIII. Actes du  VIIIe Colloque international de la mosaïque antique et médiévale, Lausanne 1997 (2001), pp. 276-301.

La célèbre mosaïque de Cheikh Zouède, situé au nord-ouest du Sinaï, ainsi que celle de Vinon dans la Gaule Narbonaise ont été découvertes dans les années dix du XXe siècle. Depuis leurs mises à jour jusqu’à la fin du siècle dernier, elles devaient attendre deux réexamens scientifiques qui ont apportés une analyse iconographique plus complète ainsi que deux nouvelles lectures iconologiques que l’on peut sans doute considerer comme sensationelles !
La mosaïque de Cheikh Zouède est composée de trois tableaux superposés. Deux panneaux représentent des scenes mythologiques: procession dionysiaque et Hippolyte et Phèdre. La troisième image comporte une inscription de bienvenue bordée au-dessus et au-dessous d’animaux et de plantes; une allusion aux scènes nilotiques et à la symbolique printanière et automnale.
La mosaïque de Vinon est également composée de trois tableaux qui sont cependant juxtaposés. Ils représentent, au centre, les trois Grâces et deux scènes à caractère dionysiaques. Celle de gauche représente le don de la vigne (grappes de raisins) par Dionysos à Icarios et celle de droite, le sacrilège de la vigne par un bouc. Les deux mosaïques sont accompagnées par des inscriptions en grec et latin. Elles sont datées à la première moitié du Ve siècle.
On connais plusieurs inscriptions, images et symboles de caractère apothropaïque. C’est pourtant la première fois que des images mythologiques ont dévoilées aux chercheurs leurs sens prophylactique et apotropaïque. Les propriétaires de ces deux résidences ornées de belles mosaïques ont choisis ces thèmes mythologiques pour protéger et écarter le Mauvais Œil et l’Envie. Les sujets dionysiaques dans les salles à manger évoquent probablement des fêtes joyeuses arrosées de vin où la danse et la musique constituaient des éléments essentiels. Par contre, l’abondance nilotique évoquait sans doute le bonheur et l’opulence des dons de la Nature sur les tables de la maison; cette signification concernait certainement aussi les scènes dionysiaques. Les maisons ont été protégées par Dionysos, Héraclès et Vénus.
Pour interpréter ces deux œuvres, les auteurs ont utilisé des recherches sur “l’histoire de la mentalité” des sociétés administrées par les Romains. La lecture de ces deux mosaïques confirme ce que l’on vient de découvrir en étudiant le célèbre texte d’Artémidore de Daldis (IIe siècle) sur les images synonimiques (cf. M.T. Olszewski, Le statut de l'image selon Artémidore et l'art romain, in: Morlier, H. ed., IXe Colloque international pour l'étude de la mosaïque antique et médiévale, Roma 5.11.2001-10.11.2001, Collection de l'Ecole Française de Rome 352/2, Rome 2005, pp. 859-880).
Voir M.T. Olszewski, La mosaïque de style naïf de Cheikh Zouède au Sinaï, Archeologia (Warsaw) 53, 2002, pp. 45–61, pls III+VI; M.T. Olszewski, Mauvais œil et protection contre l'envie dans la mosaïque de Cheikh Zouède au Sinaï (IV-Ve siècle), in: Paunier, D., Schmidt, Ch (ed. by), la Mosaïque gréco-romaine VIII. Actes du  VIIIe Colloque international de la mosaïque antique et médiévale, Lausanne 1997 (2001), pp. 276-301.

The goal of this paper is to offer a re-interpretation of Roman funerary portraits as mediums – archaeological objects carrying certain messages. In contemporary research, the Roman province of Syria is often described as a field to the very successful fusion of Roman and ‘Eastern Greek’ culture. The pivotal example of that fusion is illustrated on Palmyra Portraits – an extraordinary set of reliefs combining Roman, Hellenistic, and local stylistic, iconographic, and epigraphic traditions. Undeniably the funerary portrait reliefs from Palmyra are the visual and epigraphic mediums – they communicate certain values and ideas across time and space. The messages transmitted by this group of monuments were the product of complex mechanisms of cultural transformation in the region. In his ‘Empire and Communication’ Innis observes that the invention of the alphabet subversed the relationship between the center of civilizations and those on their fringes. As a result, new ideas or techniques could emerge in the marginal zones. That observation certainly applies to Palmyra where the correlation between three-lingualism and extraordinary rich artistic culture can be attested. The Palmyrene funerary reliefs are often depicted by several attributes including writing tools. The several messages concerning male identity can be read simultaneously: schoolboys, Greek and Roman citizens, entrepreneurs, mourners, and cult observers. Further, the female portraits decorated by household insignia, rich jewelry, other attributes as well as Greek and/or Aramaic inscriptions communicate the statuses of modest wife, rich bourgeoise, mother, and relation to the man-of-letters. The perfect examples of cultural dialogue and deliberate, spontaneous code-switching in the private, funerary space of Roman Near East the Palmyra Portraits give also a unique example of balance between visual and written media. The image plays here as a crucial role as text – sanctioning the position of the one that was depicted as would Innis write.