Once again the tectonic plates of the Irish political landscape are on the move. In 2011 Fianna Fáil, the most dominant party of government, was swept out of power on a wave of public outrage over its handling of the economy. The 2016 general election result culminated in the establishment of a confidence-and-supply arrangement between the two largest parties.
Now Sinn Féin is giving notice of a significant shift of position in relation to entering government. Mary Lou McDonald, the Dublin Central TD and Sinn Féin deputy leader, has confirmed that the party wants to be a full partner in a coalition administration.
This represents a considerable shift away from Sinn Féin’s previous position that it would enter government only as the lead party in a coalition, and gives it the option to be a junior party. During the protracted government formation talks last year, Sinn Féin was widely criticised for its refusal to take part in the talks and remain instead on the opposition benches.
Ms McDonald’s statement is to be welcomed as it shows Sinn Féin is prepared to take on the responsibility of government, and willing to work with other parties or groupings. Too many politicians on the opposition side are content to remain there, spouting populist soundbites and promoting pie-in-the-sky economics. There is no doubt that such a declaration will change some voters’ perception of the party. But before the electorate begin to factor Sinn Féin into the coalition arithmetic, there are questions still to be answered.
Potential Sinn Féin voters may be made uneasy by some of the membership’s continued association with the hardmen of the past. For instance Gerry Adams, the party’s leader in the Republic, came under pressure after he described the convicted former IRA chief Thomas “Slab” Murphy as “a good Republican” who had been treated unfairly, after the businessman was convicted of tax evasion at the Special Criminal Court.
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Sinn Féin has called for the abolition of the all-judge court, which was set up to hear cases involving suspected IRA members but which has more recently dealt with a wider range of charges.
This is not a party that believes in transparency when it comes to its own internal workings. While many people felt there was too much coverage of the Fine Gael leadership contest in May, at least the process was completely open to scrutiny. The two candidates’ different policies and personalities were aired and scrutinised well in advance. But not so with Sinn Féin, as shown by the effective coronation last January of Michelle O’Neill, the party’s new leader in Northern Ireland. Without casting any aspersions on her ability to fill the role vacated by the late Martin McGuinness, her selection to this crucial position took place behind closed doors with no contest and no public debate.
Mr Adams stated last month that he intends to lead Sinn Féin into the next general election. This may be true or he may be keeping his powder dry until he does depart, having learnt from the mistake made by Enda Kenny who effectively became a lame-duck leader of Fine Gael when he said he would step down before the next election.
While Ms McDonald has fully backed the leader, what other TDs, senators, councillors and the wider membership think of this declaration remains unknown, as voices of dissent are rarely heard among party ranks.
As the party grows in size, it becomes more difficult for those who run the party to rule with an iron fist, as a public dispute currently rumbling in Wicklow involving councillors demonstrates. Sinn Féin should realise that these ruptures are a good sign. Blind party loyalty does not equate with strong leadership, and when casting their ballot citizens prefer their politicians’ allegiance to be to their country first before their party.