We all knew that it might happen, but hoped and prayed that it would not. Shahbaz Bhatti himself was perhaps the most realistic about the risks he faced, but in a manner so candid that he made it feel like part of his job description. That is not to say that he sought martyrdom. He was in this for the long haul, as is anyone who recognises a need for societal change – for a question of ‘mindsets’ to be addressed. But if he were to die before his time, he said he wanted it to be in the line of his work rather than by accident or at the hands of a disease.
The truth about the security measures taken on the day of his assassination is yet to emerge fully. However, he was not known to be complacent about these matters. Indeed, he circulated an article about his concerns just last month. He lived in the tension between an absolute trust in God and pragmatic use of the security provisions due to him as a Federal Minister.
Shahbaz Bhatti experienced threats and attempts on his life long before becoming a politician, during his long years as aminority rights activist. It is safe to say that he never saw himself going into politics, in fact, his feet were firmly planted at the grassroots level, driving motorbikes into the remotest areas to aid vulnerable communities.
It was only when the opportunity presented itself in the context of a relatively favourable political landscape that he agreed to change roles – when it genuinely seemed more beneficial to the interests of minorities in Pakistan.
No doubt much will be said about his Christian faith and, while we can be sure that this went to the very core of his actions, care should be taken not to explain away or sideline his murder as an attack on a non-Muslim in a Muslim majority state. Just as the blasphemy laws he fought against for so many years are not and should not be portrayed as a ‘religious minority issue’, so too his death reflects a problem of relevance to all Pakistanis.
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The public threats (and many unpublished ones) received by Shahbaz Bhatti over the past year all referred to his unyielding stance on the blasphemy laws. In his time he had met with countless innocent individuals charged with insulting the Prophet Mohammed or defiling the Qur’an. He recognised that the legislation, in its vagueness and lack of consideration for evidential standards or even intent, had left itself wide open to abuse from the start.
Most of all, however, the truth he recognised, and which his killers and their supporters appear not to, is that the blasphemy laws are bad news for the nation of Pakistan as a whole. These laws make no exceptions. Any person in that country could be next to have their life shattered with a (false) accusation. Those singing the praises of the laws one day could find themselves on the wrong end of a dispute the next, realising too late that the society in which they live does not offer second chances when it comes to blaspheming.
Shahbaz Bhatti sought to address both the laws and the social attitudes that accepted and abused them. His focus was in overcoming division, seeking to lessen the misty space in which hate speech thrives and instead encouraging open dialogue and cooperation between neighbours of different backgrounds and opinions.
He made unprecedented advances in interfaith dialogue with Pakistan’s high-level religious leaders, culminating in a National Interfaith Consultation last July and a joint statement against terrorism. This was not the kind of activity that could be publicised in advance, nor could the fact that Shahbaz was personally invited to speak at some of Pakistan’s largest mosques.
It is a thought-provoking truth that the most important aspects of Shahbaz Bhatti’s work were never covered by the media. His gifts showed themselves best in the relational, the personal. Building relationships or, at the very least, truces with others takes time and lacks the drama necessary to hit the headlines. He was making progress though, of that we can be sure. Over the course of 2010 he quietly and consistently negotiated possible amendments to the blasphemy laws with his political colleagues, including those most naturally opposed to change of any kind. This was to be the consensus from which a bill of amendments would be launched and approved by the National Assembly.
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In Shahbaz Bhatti’s office, there is a painting in which all the religious communities of Pakistan are represented. Shahbaz had visions of global interfaith networks, in which international leaders would exchange best practice and collaborate on causes common to all.
He saw Pakistan leading the way by example through its ‘District Interfaith Harmony Committees’ and other such initiatives. We must hope that the work he started will not be abandoned. We must also hope that it will soon be possible for the others to step forward, for there are undoubtedly may already working diligently behind the scenes to better their country.
Annabelle Bentham is south Asia advocacy officer for Christian Solidarity Worldwide (CSW) and knew Minister Bhatti personally, having worked with him closely since 2009.