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Airborne Rescue

A no-fly zone over Libya is necessary. And no, it does not require a full UN resolution

As long as Colonel Muammar Gaddafi remains master of the skies there can be no peace in Libya. The country’s air force, still apparently loyal to the Libyan leader, has been bombarding arms depots and could at any time become an offensive weapon against insurgents or, worse still, civilians.

The West should impose a no-fly zone over the embattled coastal communities of Libya as a matter of urgency. We have the firepower and the cause is just. There is both a moral duty to protect innocent life and a clear strategic interest in securing the stability of the southern rim of the Mediterranean.

Until now it has been widely assumed that a no-fly zone would require a UN Security Council resolution, which in turn would entail days of grinding, probably fruitless negotiations to win Russian and Chinese approval. There is also the fear that any kind of military intervention would propel the West into the midst of someone else’s messy civil war.

These concerns have to be taken seriously: taking action against a cornered dictator is not without its risks. The US Administration, in particular, has erred on the side of caution: it is after all dealing daily with the fallout of an invasion that was conducted without the full backing of the UN. Robert Gates, the US Defence Secretary, has suggested that Libyan air bases would have to be bombarded, and the regime’s air defence system crippled.

But there are less intrusive ways of deterring Libyan pilots. Airborne warning and control system (Awacs) radar planes make it easier to gather the necessary intelligence and to act with precision: surface-to-air missile systems could be knocked out only when they have been identified as posing a direct threat.

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Above all, Nato warplanes can act on the basis of a specific, well-defined humanitarian brief. Libya is being ripped apart not only by a revolt but also by a huge displacement of civilians as people flee towards borders. A presence in the air will not solve all problems, but it can help to shield these people in flight, and it can give some support to those trying to provide medical assistance. It will also demonstrate that the West is not indifferent to the fate of ordinary Libyans.

It might even encourage the Libyan Air Force, the most sophisticated section of Colonel Gaddafi’s armed might, to change sides and accelerate the unravelling of the regime. After all, no fighter pilot wants to be outgunned.

This self-limiting intervention would not require a UN resolution. Indeed, there were signs yesterday that the US and the UK could be ready to act without full-blown authorisation from the United Nations. The no-fly zone would need merely to demonstrate a clear and proper legal basis for action (the right to protect civilians under fire) and regional support.

There are also strong indications that Arab League states are ready to support a Western move. A Libyan former minister, Mahmoud Gebul, yesterday called on European parliamentarians to throw their weight behind a no-fly zone. Nato defence ministers have been meeting, and a European Union summit will discuss assistance for the Libyan people at a summit tomorrow. A head of steam is building up.

This is the moment when the West should put aside its fears of being sucked into a Middle Eastern bloodbath and use a dose of hard power to safeguard the blameless victims of a disintegrating autocratic regime. Across North Africa citizens have been fearlessly risking life and limb to boot out corrupt regimes. Now we too must demonstrate our readiness to take on a degree of risk, to act boldly and to prise control of the Libyan skies from Colonel Gaddafi’s murderous and trigger-happy fingers.