Brian Fonseca

The COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted the need for governments to generate the necessary capacity to address important security and institutional challenges; this volume deepens our understanding of the nature and extent of state governance in Latin America.


State capacity is multidimensional, with all elements interacting to produce stable governance and security. As such, a collection of scholars and practitioners use an explicit interdisciplinary approach, drawing on the… Show more

The COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted the need for governments to generate the necessary capacity to address important security and institutional challenges; this volume deepens our understanding of the nature and extent of state governance in Latin America.


State capacity is multidimensional, with all elements interacting to produce stable governance and security. As such, a collection of scholars and practitioners use an explicit interdisciplinary approach, drawing on the contributions of history, political science, economics, public policy, military studies, and other fields to gain a rounded understanding of the link between security and democracy. Show less

During the earliest days of the pandemic, some believed COVID-19 might prove to be a negative for large organized crime groups such as MS-13 and the Sinaloa Cartel. Lockdowns kept people inside, suffocating both legal and illegal commerce. The ensuing recession hit Latin American economies harder than any other in the world, on average, meaning less money in everyone’s pockets. As governments mobilized money and personnel to meet the challenge, there was talk of a new level of engagement that… Show more

During the earliest days of the pandemic, some believed COVID-19 might prove to be a negative for large organized crime groups such as MS-13 and the Sinaloa Cartel. Lockdowns kept people inside, suffocating both legal and illegal commerce. The ensuing recession hit Latin American economies harder than any other in the world, on average, meaning less money in everyone’s pockets. As governments mobilized money and personnel to meet the challenge, there was talk of a new level of engagement that could strengthen bonds between citizens and the state, possibly squeezing out transnational criminal organizations (TCOs) in some areas.

A year later, we know that’s not what’s happening. The operational capacity, adaptability, expansive networks, and deep pockets of TCOs have provided them with opportunities to exploit the voids left by overwhelmed institutions and stressed market chains across the region. Although it is still too early to assess any enduring changes, TCOs are showing signs of adapting and even growing stronger in numerous ways, some of them surprising.

Indeed, the pandemic may ultimately be a turning point that saw unfortunate crime and security-related trends of the past three decades accelerate even faster. The question is what governments can do to stop it.

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...From the strategic geopolitical perspective, Chinese engagement in the Western Hemisphere is part of its broader global efforts aimed at shaping a world consistent with China’s authoritarian political model. Beijing sees the dominant democratic world order as a persistent threat to its own survival as an authoritarian political regime. The ongoing violent protests in Hong Kong, a reaction to Beijing’s overreach into Hong Kong policies, serve to reinforce the persistent threat that democratic… Show more

...From the strategic geopolitical perspective, Chinese engagement in the Western Hemisphere is part of its broader global efforts aimed at shaping a world consistent with China’s authoritarian political model. Beijing sees the dominant democratic world order as a persistent threat to its own survival as an authoritarian political regime. The ongoing violent protests in Hong Kong, a reaction to Beijing’s overreach into Hong Kong policies, serve to reinforce the persistent threat that democratic freedoms pose to authoritarian regimes like China. But despite the strategic and even aspirational intent to China’s rise, there still remains elements of opportunism that guide its global — and hemispheric — engagement. Chinese activities across Latin America and the Caribbean vary in size and scope and it is important to keep in mind that the region is in fact part of a global effort on the part of Beijing to increase its overall economic, political, and security influence, and secure geostrategic footholds in important regions around the world — like Latin America and the Caribbean.

To that end, Chinese growing economic and political engagement is challenging Latin American and Caribbean strategic interests in three major areas. First, Chinese economic practices are increasing Latin American and Caribbean nations’ dependencies on China and challenge nations’ sovereignty. Second, economic practices combined with the proliferation of Chinese surveillance and IT technologies undermine the efficacy of democratic institutions and expand Chinese influence across economic, political, and security landscapes. Third, Beijing’s complex information campaign is leveraging Chinese and regional media platforms. Confucius Institutes, and overseas ethnic Chinese communities purge anti-Beijing sentiment and increase its soft power influence across the region. Show less

Contemporary Cuban-Venezuelan relations blossomed in the late 1990s, due in large part to the close mentor-pupil relationship between then-presidents Fidel Castro Ruz and Hugo Chávez Frías. Their affinity grew into an ideological and then strategic partnership. Today, these ties that bind are more relevant than ever, as Cuban security officials exercise influ- ence in Venezuela and help maintain the Nicolás Maduro government in power. Details of the relationship, however, remain shrouded in… Show more

Contemporary Cuban-Venezuelan relations blossomed in the late 1990s, due in large part to the close mentor-pupil relationship between then-presidents Fidel Castro Ruz and Hugo Chávez Frías. Their affinity grew into an ideological and then strategic partnership. Today, these ties that bind are more relevant than ever, as Cuban security officials exercise influ- ence in Venezuela and help maintain the Nicolás Maduro government in power. Details of the relationship, however, remain shrouded in secrecy, complicating any assessment of Cuba’s role in Venezuela. The Venezuelan and Cuban governments have not been transparent about the size and scope of any contingent of Cuban military and security professionals operating in Venezuela. In fact, Havana claims that there are no Cuban security personnel in Venezuela, but merely medical staff supporting humanitarian missions.1 At the same time, the United States and others have at times exaggerated the number of Cuban security forces in Vene- zuela for political purposes.2 Despite the lack of transparency and exaggerations regarding Cuban security professionals operating in Venezuela, it is evident that Cuban security training and technical assistance has aided the Venezuelan government to establish a firewall against internal and external threats. Show less

With few exceptions, soldiers have been absent from Latin American political scene in the 21st century. That seemed to change in the final months of 2019.

Beginning in September, protests broke out in countries including Ecuador, Peru, Chile and Bolivia. As demonstrations grew violent, some of these countries’ presidents appeared in front of TV cameras with senior members of the armed forces in an effort to show they were in control. Peruvian President Martín Vizcarra posed with military… Show more

With few exceptions, soldiers have been absent from Latin American political scene in the 21st century. That seemed to change in the final months of 2019.

Beginning in September, protests broke out in countries including Ecuador, Peru, Chile and Bolivia. As demonstrations grew violent, some of these countries’ presidents appeared in front of TV cameras with senior members of the armed forces in an effort to show they were in control. Peruvian President Martín Vizcarra posed with military leaders while denouncing the opposition-led Congress’ call for his resignation. Ecuadorian President Lenín Moreno and Chilean President Sebastián Piñera announced states of emergency while surrounded by uniformed military personnel. In Bolivia, military leadership “suggested” that President Evo Morales’ resign after he publicly urged the military to defend his administration from growing unrest. Morales resigned in early November. Show less

Most experts agree, at least in part, that Chinese involvement in Latin America is largely a result of China’s rise as a global economic power. China needs access to natural resources and markets critical to its growth, while Latin America has sought to diversify its economic engagement beyond the United States. Although there is strategic and even aspirational intent to China’s rise, there remains elements of opportunism that guide its global—and hemispheric—engagement. Chinese activities… Show more

Most experts agree, at least in part, that Chinese involvement in Latin America is largely a result of China’s rise as a global economic power. China needs access to natural resources and markets critical to its growth, while Latin America has sought to diversify its economic engagement beyond the United States. Although there is strategic and even aspirational intent to China’s rise, there remains elements of opportunism that guide its global—and hemispheric—engagement. Chinese activities across the hemisphere vary in size and scope, and although it is well known, it remains important to note that Latin America is not the only space that China is aggressively seeking to do business; India, Africa and the Middle East have all seen increased forms of Chinese economic, political and security engagements over the last decade. So, from the strategic security perspective we should view Chinese engagement in the Western Hemisphere as part of a broader global effort aimed at shaping a world consistent with its authoritarian model. Show less

Many governments, led by the US, have recognized National Assembly speaker Juan Guaido as the legitimate president of Venezuela. Russia, among others, is sticking with strongman President Nicolas Maduro. For Russian President Vladimir Putin, who has a tendency to support brutal, like-minded authoritarian leaders around the world, betting on Maduro is not a surprise.

Russia’s rebound in the international system following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 has led it back to Latin America in search of economic and geopolitical opportunities. However, Russia’s limited capacity to exercise influence in a Western-dominated international system using traditional instruments of power—such as diplomatic, economic, and military—has forced Moscow to search for alternative sources of influence. To that end, Russia is increasingly relying on informational and… Show more

Russia’s rebound in the international system following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 has led it back to Latin America in search of economic and geopolitical opportunities. However, Russia’s limited capacity to exercise influence in a Western-dominated international system using traditional instruments of power—such as diplomatic, economic, and military—has forced Moscow to search for alternative sources of influence. To that end, Russia is increasingly relying on informational and sociological approaches to achieve its foreign policy objectives—what some scholars describe as hybrid warfare. For example, Russia is courting its diaspora around the world, including in Latin America, to leverage Russian-speaking communities as a source of Russian national power. Show less

Among the most prominent features of the 21st century is the realignment in the distribution of global political, economic, and military power. Many scholars and observers of international relations argue that the United States and China in some configuration will likely dominate the geopolitical landscape this century. Certainly, the United States will remain a great power in the international system, despite the diminishing gap between American power and that of the rest of the world… Show more

Among the most prominent features of the 21st century is the realignment in the distribution of global political, economic, and military power. Many scholars and observers of international relations argue that the United States and China in some configuration will likely dominate the geopolitical landscape this century. Certainly, the United States will remain a great power in the international system, despite the diminishing gap between American power and that of the rest of the world. However, a rising China is pressing for a world order more favorable to its interests, arguing that it was absent when Washington led the fashioning of the existing rules forming the Western-dominated international system today. Show less

Fake news sponsored by the Kremlin aims to weaken western sources of information, democratic institutions, and reduce the overall influence of the West.

Giving the green light for a military coup is not only bad for America’s image; it is also a threat to U.S. strategic interests. That’s because encouraging a putsch in Venezuela could backfire and end up increasing Russian and Chinese influence in the Western Hemisphere.

To understand the evolution of the Argentine armed forces, it is important to examine the most prominent historical inflection points that have shaped contemporary identity of the military institution, the institution’s role in society, and the complex and often tense relationships between the military and civilian government and society. The four most influential historical inflection points for the Argentine armed forces are the formation and professionalization of the military during the… Show more

To understand the evolution of the Argentine armed forces, it is important to examine the most prominent historical inflection points that have shaped contemporary identity of the military institution, the institution’s role in society, and the complex and often tense relationships between the military and civilian government and society. The four most influential historical inflection points for the Argentine armed forces are the formation and professionalization of the military during the 19th and 20th centuries, the September 6, 1930 military coup, the March 24, 1976 military coup/government known as the Process of National Reorganization (Proceso de Reorganización Nacional), and the 1982 Malvinas War.2 The following sections examine these four critical junctures and their respective impact on Argentine military identity. Show less

With contributions from leading experts, Culture and National Security in the Americas examines the most influential historical, geographic, cultural, political, economic, and military considerations shaping national security policies throughout the Americas. In this volume, contributors explore the actors and institutions responsible for perpetuating security cultures over time and the changes and continuities in contemporary national security policies.

War, nuclear weapons, and terrorism are all major threats to US security, but a new set of emerging threats are challenging the current threat response apparatus and our ability to come up with creative and effective solutions. This book considers new, 'non-traditional' security issues such as: transnational organized crime, immigration and border security, cybersecurity, countering violent extremism and terrorism, environmental and energy security, as well as the rise of external actors. The… Show more

War, nuclear weapons, and terrorism are all major threats to US security, but a new set of emerging threats are challenging the current threat response apparatus and our ability to come up with creative and effective solutions. This book considers new, 'non-traditional' security issues such as: transnational organized crime, immigration and border security, cybersecurity, countering violent extremism and terrorism, environmental and energy security, as well as the rise of external actors. The work examines the major challenges and trends in security and explores the policy responses of the U.S. government. By using international relations theory as an analytical approach, Fonseca and Rosen present how these security threats have evolved over time. Show less

Cyber threats facing the United States and the world are growing at an alarming rate and are expected to continue to grow well into the 21st century. The Internet, combined with our never-ending pursuit of improved quality of life is revolutionizing the way we live. Everyday devices are rapidly moving online, from automobiles to refrigerators and home alarm systems. More than 200 billion devices are expected to be online by 2020, an increase from 15 billion in 2015.

Today, and for the… Show more

Cyber threats facing the United States and the world are growing at an alarming rate and are expected to continue to grow well into the 21st century. The Internet, combined with our never-ending pursuit of improved quality of life is revolutionizing the way we live. Everyday devices are rapidly moving online, from automobiles to refrigerators and home alarm systems. More than 200 billion devices are expected to be online by 2020, an increase from 15 billion in 2015.

Today, and for the foreseeable future, the individual remains the biggest cyber security liability to organizations. Technologies designed to protect organizational infrastructure have improved significantly over the years and helped defend against hacking and physical attacks to steal information.

However, organizational culture and human behavior have not evolved nearly as rapidly as technology. Cyber criminals continue to focus on improving capabilities to deliver malware and attacks that center on tricking individuals into allowing access to systems. Show less

The Venezuelan Armed Forces, known today as the Fuerza Armada Nacional Bolivariana (National Bolivarian Armed Force, FANB), have been key actors in Venezuelan politics and state building. The origin of the military in Venezuela dates back to the colonial militia organized by Spain in the 18th century in what was then the Capitanía General de Venezuela. The wars of independence (1810-1823) produced a proud military tradition. Beginning with the presidency of José Antonio Páez (1830-1835)… Show more

The Venezuelan Armed Forces, known today as the Fuerza Armada Nacional Bolivariana (National Bolivarian Armed Force, FANB), have been key actors in Venezuelan politics and state building. The origin of the military in Venezuela dates back to the colonial militia organized by Spain in the 18th century in what was then the Capitanía General de Venezuela. The wars of independence (1810-1823) produced a proud military tradition. Beginning with the presidency of José Antonio Páez (1830-1835), armed men directly or indirectly held political power in Venezuela through most of the nineteenth and first half of the twentieth centuries. Show less

The Revolutionary Armed Forces (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias—FAR) have been the most powerful and competent official institution in Cuba, the one truly indispensable force dedicated to preserving the Castro brothers’ revolution.5 Rarely employed to quell popular unrest or as a tool of repression, the military has been broadly respected by the populace. A substantial percentage of Cuban men have served in uniform, a favorite means of upward mobility for poor and rural youths, no small number… Show more

The Revolutionary Armed Forces (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias—FAR) have been the most powerful and competent official institution in Cuba, the one truly indispensable force dedicated to preserving the Castro brothers’ revolution.5 Rarely employed to quell popular unrest or as a tool of repression, the military has been broadly respected by the populace. A substantial percentage of Cuban men have served in uniform, a favorite means of upward mobility for poor and rural youths, no small number of whom have risen into senior ranks. Traditionally, officers lived modestly with close ties to the people, and until recent years few were sullied by corruption. Show less

Given all the electoral noise surrounding “big beautiful walls” and calls for mass deportations of the alleged rapists and other criminals streaming across the U.S.-Mexico border, it is very easy to lose track of one simple and powerful fact: no relationship affects the United States more than our relationship with Mexico.

Contemporary United States security policy towards the Western Hemisphere has yet to achieve the level of strategic sophistication seen during the Cold War. Instead, much of our security orientation in the region has centered on narrow-bore, specific policy interests, namely countering drugs and terrorism, neither of which have improved the overall security of our partners in the hemisphere. In the meantime, physical security in the region continues to deteriorate. Crime and violence are… Show more

Contemporary United States security policy towards the Western Hemisphere has yet to achieve the level of strategic sophistication seen during the Cold War. Instead, much of our security orientation in the region has centered on narrow-bore, specific policy interests, namely countering drugs and terrorism, neither of which have improved the overall security of our partners in the hemisphere. In the meantime, physical security in the region continues to deteriorate. Crime and violence are rampant and transnational criminal organizations, drug traffickers, and domestic insurgencies continue to operate with impunity in many countries in the Hemisphere.

In short, U.S. security policy is not providing security for most of Latin America’s citizens.

U.S. policy in the Western Hemisphere should be based on the common interests, which today include peace, security, economic prosperity, diplomatic cooperation, and the right of each country to choose its own inclusive political system–along with all the attendant human and political rights. This broader, more consensual conception of U.S. policy means that the U.S. needs to take a more holistic approach toward the region. Such an approach requires seeking cooperation with like-minded entities around the world (i.e. the whole of international society) based on our common interests. Among those interests must be security, but based on a broader concept of security than has usually been discussed, both in definition and implementation. Show less

As Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos visits the United States this week, Colombia stands on the brink of a historic peace agreement that, if successfully reached and implemented, will bring an end to the longest-running internal armed conflict in the Western hemisphere. This reality is a far cry from where the country stood just 15 years ago, when it was on the edge of total state collapse. Although Colombia’s ability to overcome what many believed was a hopeless situation rests squarely… Show more

As Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos visits the United States this week, Colombia stands on the brink of a historic peace agreement that, if successfully reached and implemented, will bring an end to the longest-running internal armed conflict in the Western hemisphere. This reality is a far cry from where the country stood just 15 years ago, when it was on the edge of total state collapse. Although Colombia’s ability to overcome what many believed was a hopeless situation rests squarely upon the sacrifice of blood and treasure made by the Colombian people and its public forces, this promising new chapter in Colombia’s history also stems in part from the most successful, bipartisan U.S. foreign policy effort undertaken to date in the 21st century—Plan Colombia. As the United States encounters growing instability in other regions of the world, it is instructive to look back at the U.S. role in fostering the most successful counterinsurgency effort in recent history to understand what worked and what remains unfinished. President Santos’ visit also provides an important opportunity to look forward to how the United States and Colombia can solidify Colombia’s remarkable gains while becoming true strategic partners. Show less

United States—Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) relations are strong, and more importantly, built on a broad base of sophisticated, organic relationships that extend well beyond state-to-state engagements. Furthermore, U.S.-LAC relations encompass far more than what is often covered in the commentariat—like the number of presidential visits, the emergence of extra-hemispheric actors, problems related to drugs and immigration, or when compared to the visibility of U.S. engagements in others… Show more

United States—Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) relations are strong, and more importantly, built on a broad base of sophisticated, organic relationships that extend well beyond state-to-state engagements. Furthermore, U.S.-LAC relations encompass far more than what is often covered in the commentariat—like the number of presidential visits, the emergence of extra-hemispheric actors, problems related to drugs and immigration, or when compared to the visibility of U.S. engagements in others parts of the world. These outdated mea- sures fail to truly appreciate the complexity and depth of U.S.-LAC relations today, all of which are the result of our persistent and deliberate engagement with the Americas. As former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton argues, “the United States needs to build on the ‘power of proximity.’ It’s not just geography—it’s common values, common culture, and common heritage. Its shared interests that could power a new era of partnership and prosperity.”1 This article argues that in this context the role of the U.S. government must evolve from that of primary actor, to designer/ implementer of the enabling environment most conducive to the continued growth of organic, non-state relationships throughout the hemisphere, and offers a new set of measures that better re ects the strength of relations between the U.S. and its hemispheric partners. Show less

Lost amongst global headlines dominated by chaos emanating from the Middle East is a U.S. foreign policy success story that helped bring a country back from the abyss right here in the Western Hemisphere.

Interstate conflict is rare in Latin America. Yet some nations in the region are emerging as world leaders in advanced military technology. From drones to complex border surveillance systems, their research and development (R&D) laboratories have come up with sophisticated tools to counter this century’s unconventional threats to national security.

Authored Chapter on titled A Symptom of Crisis in Honduras: Drug Trafficking.

This volume examines drug policies and the role of cooperation in the Americas. Many current and former politicians have discussed the failures of the war on drugs and the need for alternative approaches. Uruguay as well as Colorado and Washington have legalized marijuana. The Organization of American states produced a report in 2013 which discussed alternative policy options to the drug war. This work examines… Show more

Authored Chapter on titled A Symptom of Crisis in Honduras: Drug Trafficking.

This volume examines drug policies and the role of cooperation in the Americas. Many current and former politicians have discussed the failures of the war on drugs and the need for alternative approaches. Uruguay as well as Colorado and Washington have legalized marijuana. The Organization of American states produced a report in 2013 which discussed alternative policy options to the drug war. This work examines the nature of cooperation and drug policies in the twenty-first century in the Americas, highlighting the major challenges and obstacles. The argument is that one country cannot solve drug trafficking as it is a transnational problem. Therefore, the producing, consuming, and transit countries must work together and cooperate. Show less

Authored Chapter 7 on Venezuela's Prison Crisis.

Book Description: This volume on penitentiary systems in the Americas offers a long-overdue look at the prisons that exist at the forefront of the ongoing struggle against drugs and violence throughout North, Central, and South America and the Caribbean. From Haiti to Bolivia, the authors examine the conditions in these systems, and allow several common themes to emerge, including the alarming prevalence of lengthy pre-trial detention and… Show more

Authored Chapter 7 on Venezuela's Prison Crisis.

Book Description: This volume on penitentiary systems in the Americas offers a long-overdue look at the prisons that exist at the forefront of the ongoing struggle against drugs and violence throughout North, Central, and South America and the Caribbean. From Haiti to Bolivia, the authors examine the conditions in these systems, and allow several common themes to emerge, including the alarming prevalence of lengthy pre-trial detention and the often abysmal living conditions in these institutions. Taken together, this comprises the first comparative overview of the use and abuse of prisons in the Americas. Show less