After the landslide comes the hard Labour

It seems ungenerous at this juncture to suggest that Labour won its first general election in almost two decades because it was “not the Tory party”, but even the most ardent of Starmerites would concede the truth in it.

The Tories did far more damage to themselves over the last few years than Labour and the other parties could possibly have inflicted. Perpetually divided, addicted to plotting, prone to bizarre incidents of sleazy behaviour, and lacking in energy, talent and ideas, there was increasingly scant reason for them to be granted a historic and unprecedented fifth consecutive term in office.

Rishi Sunak proved to be better than his last three predecessors. But, in the end, he too was unable to unite the party and inspire the country. Leading up to his surprise election announcement six weeks ago, there had been gossip about votes of no confidence and the party replacing him; Priti Patel and Penny Mordaunt were both fashionable choices, for a spell.

Maybe that was one factor in Mr Sunak making his move when he did – the sheer pointless tedium of leadership speculation. At any rate, he went into this campaign 20 points behind Labour, and no one, possibly excluding himself and his election strategist, Isaac Levido, thought that there was much he could do to turn things around. The Conservative campaign was beset by both bad luck and gaffes, with the prime minister ducking out of the D-Day commemorations being the standout blunder. But when the freshest idea Mr Sunak could announce was the return of national service, the country could see very well that his lot were exhausted.

What became (absurdly) Mr Sunak’s signature policy, the Rwanda plan, which was never going to be popular or effective, never even got launched. The 14 years of tumultuous Tory rule ended with a prime minister begging his predecessors, David Cameron and Boris Johnson, to help rescue him from oblivion, and begging the electorate not to give Labour a “supermajority” – what once was called a landslide.

By polling day, the Tories had given up and expired. All Labour needed to do was to draw attention to the cadaver.

An exaggeration, of course, but it is clear that Labour has now to deliver on that most simple and potent of promises – “change”. Despite the Tories’ clowning and treachery, a Labour victory was not pre-ordained, and it required remarkable political talents for Sir Keir Starmer and his team to take the burnt-out wreck they inherited in 2019 and turn it into an election-winning machine.

It was a service to the nation fulfilled with guts and unshowy determination, from a party prepared to listen to the electorate. That same sense of purpose and realism needs now to be brought into government. Contrary to the Tories’ jibes, Labour does have a plan, albeit with flaws of its own, and the first task must be to take the first steps that Sir Keir has promised – reviving the NHS, tackling antisocial behaviour, recruiting teachers, ending the Rwanda plan, declaring war on people smugglers, and establishing Great British Energy.

After that, we look forward to the new prime minister returning Britain as an active, cooperative partner on the world stage, at the forthcoming Nato summit and the meeting of the European Political Community.

Disappointingly, Sir Keir has ruled out the UK rejoining the EU single market in his lifetime. That is a curiously, indeed unrealistically, absolute commitment – for this general election is the clearest indicator of how far public opinion has shifted on Brexit. (It was far from overwhelmingly in favour of Leave, in any case.) And on climate change and the environment, for too long neglected by both parties, Labour will need to respond to the challenges that have been somewhat underplayed in the campaign.

An administration is about people as well as policies, and Sir Keir is fortunate to be able to bring such a diverse and promising group to the cabinet table. Few have any cabinet experience, not even Sir Keir himself, but that is often the mark of a party that’s been marooned in opposition for an extended period of reflection, and is no obstacle to strong leadership.

Rachel Reeves seems to have the right priorities and the discipline required to be an ideal chancellor of the Exchequer, and Angela Rayner should also confound her snobby detractors by knowing what she wants and getting it done. David Lammy, a man who has evolved into an admirably flexible pragmatist, should fit in well at the Home Office.

The election campaign showcased the presentational talents of other rising stars, such as Bridget Phillipson, Wes Streeting, Pat McFadden, Jon Ashworth, Darren Jones and Liz Kendall. All should make fine ministers, and “overshadow” their surviving Tory counterparts on the front bench.

But we shall see. Most of the difficult crises the new administration will face were hardly mentioned during the electioneering. They include the near-financial collapse of some of our universities and local authorities; prisons at breaking point; and the possible bankruptcy of Thames Water. All, reportedly, are already being scoped out by Sir Keir’s chief of staff, the legendarily able Sue Gray – but the new ministers will have to take some tough, and expensive, decisions.

“Change” is easier said than done.