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Changing labour pattern in Rajasthan's stone industry

Jun 07, 2024 04:31 PM IST

This article is authored by Ekata Bakshi, Anwesha Konar, and Eshita Trivedi.

In Rajasthan's unorganised sector, workers in the stone quarrying/crushing/cutting/polishing industry endure physically demanding labor amid extreme temperatures, excessive noise levels, poor housing conditions and meagre wages, placing them at heightened risk of dust-related occupational lung diseases. These workers face daunting health risks like silicosis due to insufficient protections and have no access to social security measures. As awareness of silicosis grew, native Rajasthani laborers have increasingly opted out of the sector and migrant workers, often from the landless and lower caste communities of Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh and West Bengal stepped in to fill the labor gap. These migrants, out of economic necessity are often pushed to overlook health risks associated with the sector. A close interaction with the ground reality, called for urgent action to ensure safety, health care and social security access of the migrant workers and to address labor rights violations in Rajasthan's stone crushing sector through comprehensive interventions.

Stone crushing unit (HT FILE)
Stone crushing unit (HT FILE)

The stone-related industries in Rajasthan are centuries old, reflecting the region's deep-rooted dependence on stone for construction, evident in both historical monuments like forts and contemporary architecture. This reliance extends to rural and urban areas, with Rajasthan being a significant exporter to both domestic and international markets, holding 30% of the country's Rs.60,000 crore stone industry.

Through the passage of time and on demand of the market, along with the stone mining industry stone crushing units have also been set up adjoining major cities of Rajasthan. Beawar, which was previously part of Ajmer district and became a new district in 2023 is one such location. Although people from the rural blocks of Beawar like that of Masuda had been migrating to Dabi in Bundi district and to Bijolia in Bhilwara district for sand stone cutting work since the last two generations, the development of stone crushing units flanking the Kishangarh-Beawar highway is a relatively new phenomenon. The stone crushing industry in Beawar is twenty years old and it supplies raw materials to the ceramic industry in Morbi, Gujarat for making sanitary items, like wash basins, bathtubs, cisterns etc. Silicosis is a prevalent affliction among laborers in these areas of work.

Silicosis is a prevalent occupational lung disease worldwide, primarily affecting workers exposed to silica dust in jobs such as construction and mining. It stems from inhaling silica particles, commonly found in sand, quartz, feldspar rocks. Activities like cutting, breaking, crushing, drilling, polishing, grinding, or abrasive blasting of these materials generate fine silica dust, leading to its deposition in the lungs. Unfortunately, there is no cure for silicosis as lung damage is irreversible. Treatment focuses on managing symptoms and slowing disease progression.

In Beawar, Rajasthan awareness and history of deaths from silicosis has led locals to withdraw from this work and these jobs are being taken up by inter-state migrant workers. Currently, the 1,600 small stone crushing units, within which only 100 are registered, rely on migrant labor from Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Orissa, and West Bengal. These workers face limited access to social security measures in Rajasthan due to their non-local status and not possessing the Jan Aadhar card; further their roles in these units increase their exposure to silicosis. Rajasthan has the largest yearly incidence of silicosis cases in India, which is mostly related to sandstone mining. Since 2009, the state's silicosis prevalence has received more attention due to greater awareness. In that year, the National Human Rights Commission reported 22 deaths and 52 cases; between 2012 and 2014, there were over 800 cases and 57 deaths.

As Rajasthani workers became more aware of the health risks linked to prolonged exposure to stone dust many opted to leave the stone industry. In Beawar when native Rajasthani labourers choose to remain in the stone crushing sector, they make sure to secure lucrative roles, like "loading" jobs, which pays them 1,000-1,200/per day for three to four hours of engagement. Additionally, Rajasthani labourers from Pali, Bharatpur, Rajasamand avoid the difficult summer time and work in this job role only for the two to three cooler months of the year, when they do not have agricultural engagements. In contrast, inter-state migrants are engaged in these units throughout the year and only return to their source location on occasion of marriage, death, births and festivals. These workers who are mainly landless or small farmers belong to the marginalised Scheduled Caste (SC) and other backward castes (OBC) community and lack livelihood options in their source locations. Consequently, out of economic necessity and limited options these migrant labourers, some unaware, others knowingly opt for job roles with greater dust exposure and lower pay, which unintentionally makes them more susceptible to respiratory infections, other related health problems and silicosis.

For example, women migrants in the stone crushing units work in the role of stone loaders largely, which pays them 250 per day. Whereas, migrant men or sometimes a migrant couple together are engaged in the role of sack fillers who have to fill the crushed stone powder into sacks and seal them by stitching. This job role pays them 700-800, for 12-hour long exposure to stone dust. These inter-state migrants are also not very keen about joining labour unions, as unions rally for entitlements that are not applicable to migrant workers. Furthermore, their dependency on the factory owners for housing, job security and survival in a new city make them hesitant about joining unions.

After working in the stone crushing industry, migrant workers encounter more difficulties when they return to their hometowns or places of origin. Even if they have silicosis from their time working in the stone crushing units, it is difficult to properly diagnose the illness when they return. The diagnosis of silicosis is challenging, made more so by the general lack of knowledge about the illness. Doctors have become somewhat acquainted with silicosis in areas such as Rajasthan. However, in states with less exposure to mining-related health hazards, such as Bihar, West Bengal, Uttar Pradesh, and Madhya Pradesh, health care professionals often lack the promptness to recognise and accurately diagnose silicosis. The Rajasthan government has identified the seriousness of Silicosis and has implemented measures to facilitate early diagnosis and provide assistance schemes for affected families. However, migrant workers remain out of the purview of such schemes.

The Chiranjeevi Health Insurance Scheme, introduced by the government of Rajasthan, offers cashless medical insurance of up to Rs. 5 Lakh to all families in the state. However, due to non-resident status migrant workers find themselves excluded from the scheme's purview which leaves them vulnerable to medical expenses when they fall ill. This omission highlights the scheme's restriction, which covers only Rajasthani citizens, creating a gap in the state's health care system for inter-state migrant workers.

The country's first state to adopt a silicosis policy for the welfare of mining workers is Rajasthan. The Pneumoconiosis Policy-2019 was introduced by the state government with the intention of offering vital assistance to those suffering from silicosis. A lump sum help of 3 lakh, a monthly assistance of 1,500, and other benefits are provided under this policy. However, there are various concerns regarding the implementation of this policy. Out of almost 2,200 recorded cases of silicosis deaths, just 365 families, or 16.6%, have got aid, according to a state government portal that gives a district-wise summary of these cases. For patients who are still receiving treatment, the shortcoming is much more apparent since they are eligible for a monthly pension and a payout of 3 lakh. Only 1,333, or 1.5%, of the almost 86,000 patients who registered had received the assistance.

During a field visit to Beawar District, the research team from Policy and Development Advisory Group engaged with workers to gain insights into their experiences. One such interaction was with Riyasa Khatun (names have been changed to ensure anonymity), a migrant from Bihar who relocated to Rajasthan with her family, when her father, who was landless could no longer sustain the family by working as a cotton carder (known as dhunuri or lepwallah) in Kolkata and there was a dire need to gather money for his elder daughter’s dowry. Riyasa, who started working in the stone crushing units of Beawar from the age of 11 and is now married to a local truck driver, expressed concerns about her father's declining health. When asked about silicosis, Riyana was unfamiliar with it and she responded: “I have not heard of this disease. If you eat a banana, chickpea or jaggery after you come back from the factory, your stomach gets clean and you won’t have any problems after inhaling dust”.

Another couple, Kamal and Nandini from Madhya Pradesh and belonged to the OBC community shared their challenges as migrant workers in Rajasthan. They highlighted the difficulty in securing safer job roles that minimize exposure to silica particles, such as loading, which is predominantly occupied by local workers. When asked about how they prevent themselves from being exposed to the deadly disease, they replied, “We buy masks to cover our face. We don’t buy the cheap ones that retail for 10, We spend 300 on buying a good mask which will do some benefit. We also cover our face with a scarf over it. It is suffocating and difficult, but now we are used to it because it's important.”

For a state so rich in minerals, little is being done to protect the workers who put their lives at stake and in turn, keep the state’s economy running. The plight of workers in Rajasthan's stone crushing industry, underscores the urgent need for comprehensive interventions to address the prevalence of silicosis. The precarious working circumstances, no measures for protective gear, restricted access to social security and healthcare, further increased the vulnerability of migrant workers from other states. The stone crushing units in Beawar being unregistered, further becomes a geography for labour rights violation.

Addressing these challenges requires a focus on occupational safety and health (OSH) measures to ensure a safer working environment for all workers involved in the stone crushing industry. The Occupational Safety, Health and Working Conditions Code 2020 consolidates 13 existing Acts pertaining to health, safety, and working conditions, including the Factories Act, Mines Act, and Contract Labour (Regulation and Abolition) Act. Under it employers are mandated to provide a hazard-free workplace, offer annual health examinations, and report accidents resulting in death or serious injury. However, most of these stone crushing industries are unregistered and thus do not comply by the necessary standards set.

OSH measures could include implementing proper ventilation systems and technological advancement in the machinery to reduce exposure to harmful dust containing silica particles, providing personal protective equipment such as respirators and goggles, and conducting regular health screenings for early detection of occupational diseases like silicosis. Additionally, comprehensive training programmes on OSH practices and hazards awareness should be implemented to empower workers to identify and mitigate risks in their workplace.

Government initiatives like the Pneumoconiosis Policy-2019, which attempts to support those suffering from silicosis, have made some progress, but there are still a number of serious gaps and loopholes. Migrant workers' exclusion from health care programmes like the Chiranjeevi Health Insurance Scheme is another example of this lack of assistance and aid. There is a need for provisions to be implemented to ensure inclusion of migrant workers in policies and schemes surrounding Silicosis. There is also a need for regular health checkups through setting up pneumoconiosis boards (to deal with respiratory disorders among workers).

It is clear from talking to workers on the ground that there is still a lack of knowledge regarding silicosis and preventive measures. Despite efforts to protect themselves with masks and scarves, the difficulties persist, underlining the need for robust mechanisms from the administration, focused education, and health care access to address and prevent a deadly disease like silicosis and to assure well-being of all workers in the stone sector of Rajasthan.

This article is authored by Ekata Bakshi, senior consultant, Anwesha Konar, associate consultant and Eshita Trivedi, communications assistant, Policy and Development Advisory Group.

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