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“Azm-e-Istehkam”: Unpacking Pakistan’s much-touted counterterror operation

Jul 09, 2024 08:00 AM IST

Despite consensus among stakeholders, political opposition to "Vision Azm-e-Istehkam," remains, with concerns about civilian displacement

On June 22, 2024, Pakistan’s Central Apex Committee on National Action Plan approved Operation ‘Azm-e-Istehkam’ (Resolve for Stability), a new counterterrorism campaign to vigorously combat extremism and terrorism. This decision comes nearly three years after the Afghan Taliban rose to power in Afghanistan—a watershed event supported and celebrated by Pakistan’s top echelons—that has since bolstered the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP).

Kishtwar: Security personnel stand guard in Kishtwar district of Jammu and Kashmir, Monday, June 24, 2024. (PTI Photo(PTI) PREMIUM
Kishtwar: Security personnel stand guard in Kishtwar district of Jammu and Kashmir, Monday, June 24, 2024. (PTI Photo(PTI)

As the latest in a series of operations against the homegrown Taliban threat, this initiative quickly garnered criticism, particularly concerning potential large-scale civilian displacement, similar to past operations. To address these concerns, the Prime Minister’s Office issued a statement clarifying that this operation was "erroneously misunderstood" and should not be compared with previous kinetic operations. Instead, it emphasised that this would be a reinvigoration of the Revised National Action Plan (Revised NAP-2021), a rejigged version of the original plan launched after the 2014 Peshawar Army Public School massacre.

The operation was then renamed “Vision Azm-e-Istehkam,” expected to intensify ongoing intelligence-based operations (IBOs) rather than launch a new armed operation, reported Dawn.

Are all stakeholders on the same page?

While the decision was reportedly made with the consensus of all stakeholders, including the four provinces and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir, it faced significant opposition from Pakistan’s political parties, mainly Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), Jamiat Ulema-i-Islami-Fazl (JUI-F), and the Awami National Party (ANP). Khyber Pakhtunkhwa’s PTI Chief Minister, Ali Amin Gandapur, denied that the operation had been discussed with him. Meanwhile, Maulana Fazlur Rehman, the JUI-F chief, argued that decisions concerning Kabul could not be made hastily or emotionally, calling it ‘Adam-e-Istehkam’ (instability).

In response to the opposition's outcry in the National Assembly, defense minister Khwaja Asif accused the opposition of standing with terrorists and assured that Parliament would be consulted. The military also expressed concerns about the ‘unwarranted criticism and deliberate misinterpretation’ of the operation.

The government is struggling to gain active cooperation from the local populace, failing to clearly convey that the campaign aims to benefit them. The opposition desires a greater say in the operation, as the militant-hit areas (mostly KP and Balochistan) are their strongholds and have often borne the brunt of counterterror operations without adequate compensation.

In the face of party politics overshadowing national security interests, the government has decided to convene an All-Parties Conference (APC) to address concerns about Operation Vision Azm-e-Istehkam. Though a date has not been finalised, Imran Khan's announcement that PTI would participate is a positive development for both security and political stability.

External pulls and pressures

The media has emphasized China’s role in encouraging Pakistan to launch a large-scale counter-terror operation, especially as the announcement came after a high-ranking Chinese official highlighted that Pakistan’s security situation was shaking investor confidence and threatening the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), a $62 billion flagship project of China’s Belt and Road Initiative.

In the same month, Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif visited China, where Chinese President Xi Jinping underlined the need for a “safe, stable, and predictable business environment,” and the safety of Chinese nationals and interests in Pakistan. While China’s concerns have unarguably driven Pakistan’s decision, domestic factors such as relative economic and political stability have also been accounted for in its decision matrix.

Regarding Afghanistan, defense minister Asif asserted in recent interviews that Pakistan would continue to target terror havens in Afghanistan, arguing that since Kabul had been exporting terrorism to Pakistan, such attacks would not violate international law. “We won’t serve them with cake and pastries. If attacked, we’ll attack back,” Asif told BBC.

Even as relations with Afghanistan have reached an all-time low, Pakistan has left the door open for dialogue. During the operation’s launch, a statement mentioned that “efforts will be intensified to curtail the operational space for terrorists through regional cooperation.” There are indications that the Afghan Taliban are willing to cooperate by relocating TTP fighters away from the Pakistan-Afghanistan border to other provinces in Afghanistan, and are constructing settlements to accommodate TTP members and their families. Whether or not this fructifies and how effective it will be in reducing terror-related violence in Pakistan remains to be seen.

Ahead of the United Nations-organized third Doha meeting on Afghanistan, Pakistan’s foreign minister and deputy PM, Ishaq Dar, declared Afghanistan to be a “top priority,” highlighting Pakistan’s willingness to cooperate on health issues, particularly polio eradication. During the meeting, the Afghan Taliban delegation met with Pakistan’s Special Representative on Afghanistan, expressing hope for ‘positive relations’ between both countries.

Amid pressure from neighbouring countries, Pakistan has received support from the United States in combating terrorism. In late June, Pakistan’s Ambassador to the US urged the US to provide ‘sophisticated small arms and communication equipment’ for the success of this new counterterrorism initiative, according to Dawn. In May, the latest Pakistan-US Counterterrorism Dialogue reaffirmed commitments to addressing the challenges posed by TTP and ISIS-Khorasan.

Reverting to the domestic front, while the Pakistani state recognises the need for holistic socioeconomic measures to eliminate the substrate of extremism, efforts in this domain have been lacklustre, compounded by a lack of cooperation between civil and military authorities, as well as federal and provincial governments. As a result, Pakistan has had to repeatedly launch similar operations, each time with much fanfare, only for efforts to fizzle out or have gains reversed by emboldened militants.

Bantirani Patro is a research associate at the Centre for Air Power Studies, New Delhi. The views expressed are personal.

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