|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
my rating |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 0827203381
| 9780827203389
| 0827203381
| 4.50
| 16
| unknown
| May 04, 2024
|
really liked it
|
Churches feature American flags. Pastors pray in public, even political gatherings. Worship services near national holidays feature prayers for the na
Churches feature American flags. Pastors pray in public, even political gatherings. Worship services near national holidays feature prayers for the nation, patriotic hymns, and more. It's not just conservative evangelical churches. It's mainline Protestant ones as well, even fairly progressive ones. How do I know this? This is how it has been in the churches I've served (oh, and I do pray at public events like Memorial Day and Veteran's Day observances. Hopefully, my prayers don't exhibit expressions of Christian nationalism, but I am implicated in such things. Most critiques of Christian nationalism focus on conservative evangelical churches. It is true that the most explicit and loud expressions recently are found among conservative evangelical churches, which often align themselves with the Republican Party. Nevertheless, history shows that Mainline Churches -- PCUSA, ELCA, UMC, Disciples, UCC, ABC --- have been at the forefront of efforts to connect church and state. Evidence is found in the presence of American flags in sanctuaries and patriotic hymns in the hymnals. So, while Mainliners might protest the growing problem of Christian nationalism, are we willing to acknowledge our own complicity? In Baptizing America, authors Brian Kaylor and Beau Underwood, one a Baptist and the other a Disciples of Christ minister, address the so-called elephant in the room. The authors note that as more attention is given to Christian nationalism, the definition of what makes for Christian nationalism becomes more ambiguous. While the term "Christian nationalism" might be relatively new, the reality that it describes has a long history. In many ways what is now known as Christian nationalism has roots that go back to when the Mainline Churches were the dominant religious force in the country. The authors are part of the Mainline Christian community. They are affiliated with Word & Way, a Christian media outlet where Kaylor serves as President and Underwood serves as a contributing editor. I should note that I am a regular contributor to Word & Way, offering weekly book reviews. I am also, like Underwood, a Disciples of Christ minister (retired). The authors begin their book by taking us to the anniversary of January 6th and the commemorations of that day by Mainline church leaders, such as Michael Curry, Presiding Bishop of the Episcopal Church. Different of course from what happened in 2021, but the commemorations a year later still highlighted American exceptionalism in the form of prayer. Chapter 1, "How Firm a Foundation," lays the foundation for what is shared in the rest of the book. The thesis of the authors is that Mainline Christians laid the foundations for what is known now as Christian nationalism, though it was once called civil religion (with a Protestant face). That opening Chapter forms part of Section I of the book titled "Christian Nationalism in Context." The second chapter in this section is titled "A Heretical Faith." Here the authors focus their attention on what they call the American idol, which is nationalism. It is an idol where loyalty to the nation is foremost in the hearts and minds of the people. However, there have been, throughout American history other voices that have challenged the American idol. Finally, Chapter 3 --- "(Un)Civil Religion" --- explores the forms of civil religion present from the beginning of the American nation, such that the founders didn't attempt to create a Christian nation but rather drew upon religious elements that reflected the American ethos. It expressed shared national values without replacing denominational or sectarian belief systems. It used elements of Christianity but in a way that most Americans didn't see a conflict with their more specific belief systems. They write that "Civil religion depends on downplay differences in ways that empty religious affirmations of their meaning. In a profound way, to participate in civil religion requires the denial of one's true faith." (p. 46). So phrases like "under God" or posting the Ten Commandments are seen not as being religious but as part of our "history" and culture. Thus, to be unifying it must be purposely vague. Part II: "How Mainline Protestants Brought Church to State" moves the discussion from the overarching narrative to the specific dimensions. Here is where Mainliners like me might start to feel as if our toes are being stepped on, especially when it comes to Chapter 4: "Prayer Time." The authors address prayers, most often Christian prayers, in public spaces. Consider the prayers offered by the chaplains of the Senate and House of Representatives. These are part of the national discourse. What happens at the national level happens locally as clergy pray at public events such as city council meetings or other events. I am implicated here. I am a local police chaplain who prays regularly at such events as Memorial Day observances, and even the Mayor's State of the City Address. I pride myself in seeking to make my prayers inclusive, but could I be making them so vague that they deny my own faith? Hopefully not, but I will admit to finding this chapter rather uncomfortable. Perhaps you will as well. Chapter 5, titled "One Nation . . . Indivisible" takes a look at the inclusion of the words "under God" in the Pledge of Allegiance. The original pledge, written by a Baptist minister didn't include those words, which were added in the 1950s, as the US sought to contrast itself as a religious people against the godless communists of the Soviet Union. The question is whether this is a matter of taking the Lord's name in vain! Finally, Chapter 6 discusses the phrase "In God We Trust," which became the national motto and was placed on US currency in the 1950s. The phrase has its origins in the American Civil War as a Union response to the Confederate claim to be a Christian nation. While I'm complicit in the prayer chapter, I would be fine with the removal of "under God" from the pledge of allegiance and would love to see "In God We Trust" replaced as the national motto (I like e pluribus unum!). Section III turns the tables from Section II, with this section titled "How Mainline Protestants Brought State to Church." The first chapter in this section is titled "Seeking a Blessing" (Ch. 7). They begin by noting the churches, including St. John's Episcopal Church, which have welcomed Presidents and hosted national events, including inaugural prayers and state funerals. The issue here is the attraction of proximity to power. I know the feeling. They write: Mainline and progressive e Christians correctly castigate evangelical or conservative leaders who render to Caesar what belongs to Jesus. Yet, they miss both the subtle and obvious ways, historically and in the present, they also participate in being priests of American culture rather than proclaimers of the Gospel." (p. 115). Chapter 8 is titled "Worshiping America." Here they take note of the way nationalistic elements are incorporated into worship, especially around national holidays. Consider the nationalistic hymns in our hymns and prayers in our prayer books. Yes, they are there! Finally, in Chapter 9 we come to the presence of the American flag in our churches. Yes, they are there in most Mainline churches, including all that I've served. They provide a history of how that came to be, which is worth considering as part of our consciousness-raising on the Mainline contribution to Christian nationalism. The Fourth and Final Section is titled "Living in the Nation Mainline Protestants Bult." The first of three chapters is titled "Failed State" (Chapter 10). As we near the conclusion of the book, they address the threat of Christian nationalism to American democracy. Then in Chapter 11, "Failed Church," they address the threat of Christian nationalism to the church. There is the Church of MAGA, which has embraced Trumpism. They write that "reducing religion to political tribalism makes Christian faith appear unprincipled and hypocritical. The attractiveness of its ideas and values becomes overshadowed by its misuse and abuse for political ends" (p. 180). So, "while mainline Protestants helped lay the foundation for the larger edifice, the worst offenses now emanate from other corners, but they still sully everyone's reputation" (p. 180). There is much truth in that statement. Chapter 12 is titled "Moving Forward." Here Kaylor and Underwood offer some thoughts about how Mainliners might own their complicity and move forward beyond Christian nationalism. They respond to Mainliners who speak as if we have no complicity, but that is not true. Thus, they ask us to get our own house in order. They offer six ways that Mainline Churches can move forward. Each is worth considering. This is a really helpful book. It will step on people's toes, including mine. They encourage us to resist the pull of Christian nationalism by starting with our own house. That is good advice. So, check it out! ...more |
Notes are private!
|
1
|
Jun 17, 2024
|
Jun 21, 2024
|
Jun 17, 2024
|
Paperback
| ||||||||||||||
| 0802883834
| 9780802883834
| 0802883834
| 3.80
| 5
| unknown
| Apr 09, 2024
|
really liked it
|
As a pastor, I've often heard congregants say that they don't want any politics in the church. Church is a spiritual place so politics is out of place
As a pastor, I've often heard congregants say that they don't want any politics in the church. Church is a spiritual place so politics is out of place. As a pastor, I know the church has plenty of politics. It might not be partisan and it may have little to do with what happens outside the congregation, but politics is still there. At least on this side of eternity, people seek influence in the life of the church, and that involves politics. Of course, even if the church stays clear of partisanship, if it seeks to influence life outside the congregation, pursuing justice, etc., it engages in politics. The question how do we stay faithful to our calling to love God and our neighbor without succumbing to partisanship? I wrote a book titled Faith in the Public Square: Living Faithfully in 21st Century America, which contains among other things many of the weekly columns I wrote for a local paper. I'm a rather political person, even a partisan one, so I have to keep things in balance. As the church navigates various political worlds, whether they are internal congregational politics, denominational politics, local politics, or national politics, having thoughtful guidance is helpful. Ross Kane is an Episcopal priest and an associate professor of theology, ethics, and culture at Virginia Theological Seminary. In "The Good News of Church Politics" he brings both his experience as a pastor and his training and calling as a Christian ethicist to bear on these areas of concern. As such, in this book, Kane seeks to provide "a theological guide to orient how we approach scenarios" (p. ix). It is, he suggests a "political theology for congregational ministry." By that he seeks to give "an account of local church politics in light of God and God's purposes of love and justice" (p. ix). Kane divides his book into four parts, each with four to six chapters. He begins in Part 1 by discussing "Ordinary Politics." Here he speaks of neighbor love (ch. 1), "Loving Interdependence" (ch. 2), "Public Life in Scripture and Worship (ch. 3), and finally "Good News in Politics." That last chapter in part 1 might seem an oxymoron since politics is often viewed as being dirty, so how could there be good news? He answers that love is the foundation of politics or group organization. In seeking good news, he suggests we start locally, asking how government functions and one's influence on it. In Part 2, Kane explores "The Spirituality of Politics." He does so with chapters on "Prayer and Politics" Loving Enemies, Forgiveness as Political, and Tangels of Forgiving. As you can see he devotes two chapters to forgiveness, which along with love of neighbors recognizes the challenges inherent in political life. Perhaps that's why he starts with prayer. Kane points out that while they may seem different, prayer and politics share a lot in common, for "They require persistence, patience, and attention to mundane experience, and commitment to communal life. They are some of the most poignant avenues the Spirit uses to transform lives" (p. 31). Part 3 focuses on "Renewing Leadership through Good Politics." Here he offers chapters on the "Habits of Faithful Politics," "Love as Political Power," and a chapter exploring how the church can model good politics by facing their sins, making restitution, and seeking healing. Here "repentance becomes a political practice vital to a church's self-identity" (p. 63). There are two other chapters: "Finitude and Sin" and "Authority and Leadership." In this final chapter of the section, he focuses on the power of persuasion as the foundation of leadership. Having laid out his vision of politics as it is rooted in the church, a politics that is expressive of Jesus' vision of community, he devotes the remaining six chapters to "The First Fruits of Public Life." In this section, Kane moves from the politics of the church to the wider world. He begins with a chapter on "The Congregation in the Wider Community." He writes "As a church loves its neighbors, it should find itself engaged in local politics in ways that change both the neighborhood and the church" (p. 85). From this foundation, which assumes that a church that loves its neighbors will engage with the larger community, we move forward to discussions of the "Limits of Hyperlocal Politics," which he means focusing only on the immediate neighborhood and not recognizing that the neighborhood is part of a larger whole. In his chapter "Seeking the Welfare of the City" Kane draws on Jeremiah's important word about living as exiles, but putting down roots. Thus, he speaks of living between two cities, the earthly and the heavenly. From there we move to living as Christians amid the Nations" and the "First Fruits of Public Life." The final chapter is titled "The Wisdom of Neighbors." Here Kane draws our attention to the wisdom to be gained from interfaith partners. This is an important chapter, especially for Christians who live in communities like the one I live in, which is highly pluralistic. I count among my closest friends, Muslims, Jews, and Hindus. I have learned much from them. In his conclusion titled "The Body of Christ and the New Jerusalem, he reminds us that as part of the Body of Christ, we are connected to a great cloud of witnesses, and thus our citizenship is in a realm greater than any community or nation. As part of that body of Christ, our politics should be rooted in the church. It's not a matter of combining church and state (theocracy), it is, rather recognizing that our politics/our allegiances start in the church, which calls on us to love our neighbors. This is not a lengthy book, but it covers a lot of territory. It is accessible and designed for congregational conversation. Each of the four sections ends with a series of discussion questions and further readings. Thus, here is a four-week study on faith and politics. It is, I believe, a timely book worth considering! ...more |
Notes are private!
|
1
|
Mar 30, 2024
|
Apr 12, 2024
|
Mar 30, 2024
|
Paperback
| ||||||||||||||
| 0802882935
| 9780802882936
| 0802882935
| 4.14
| 84
| unknown
| Oct 03, 2023
|
it was amazing
|
On January 6th a mob broke into the US Capitol following a Trump rally intent on disrupting the finalization of the 2024 Presidential election. Among
On January 6th a mob broke into the US Capitol following a Trump rally intent on disrupting the finalization of the 2024 Presidential election. Among those who participated in this effort were people carrying Christian flags. Many in the crowd would call themselves Christians but in that moment, in service to a narcissistic President who had lost the election, they participated in a riot. While the United States has prided itself on being an exemplar of democracy, it appears that many Christians have decided to embrace authoritarianism. The question of the moment, with Donald Trump having a good chance of winning the Presidency, will this be the end of democracy in America? Among Christian writers who have taken notice of current trends and have addressed them is David Gushee. Gushee is a well-regarded Christian ethicist who is by tradition a Baptist, a tradition that until recently has stood for religious liberty and expressed itself in democratic forms. Currently, he is a Distinguished University Professor of Christian Ethics at Mercer University and the author of numerous books on matters of Christian ethics and contemporary concerns. In "Defending Democracy from Its Christian Enemies," Gushee (David is a friend) addresses the current nationalistic trends within white evangelicalism, raising the alarm and offering resources to stem the tide. Gushee understands that no political system is perfect but democracy is the best we have and is worth defending. Like me, he is disturbed by the support given to anti-democratic movements and the embrace of Christian nationalism present within evangelicalism. While many talk of Christian nationalism, David has suggested an alternative descriptor that gets to the heart of the problem. That descriptor is "Authoritarian Reactionary Christianity." I like this descriptor as it is much more specific and is less confusing than Christian nationalism, which some equate with patriotism. Note the emphasis here on authoritarianism, a characteristic we see present in figures such as Victor Orban and Vladimir Putin, both of whom have their admirers in certain sectors of the American body politic. It tends to be populist and seeks power over others. It is also reactionary in that it seeks to push the nation back to an earlier golden age (generally an age when white men ruled). It is committed to winning culture wars. Before he gets to this authoritarian reactionary Christianity in Chapter 2, Gushee first defines and defends democracy (Chapter 1). He acknowledges that defining democracy is not simple as it has taken different forms throughout history. He has chosen to start with the definition offered by Bruce Russert of Yale University, who speaks of democracy as a political system "in which nearly everyone can vote, elections are freely contested, the chief executive is chosen by popular vote or by an elected parliament, and civil rights and civil liberties are substantially guaranteed." (p. 8). That is a good definition, though we have yet as a nation fully embodied it. He points out that democracy is more than simply the rule of the people, which could be simply mob rule. That's not what is meant here. Thus, Gushee goes into some detail in defining democracy, as a political system that requires strong values and virtuous people. Though not perfect it is the best we have. Unfortunately, this system is being challenged such that the future of democracy in America is not guaranteed. In Chapter 2 Gushee examines the alternatives and threats to democracy, especially as they emerge out of religious movements, including American democracy. I've already mentioned Christian nationalism and Gushee's more descriptive "Authoritarian Reactionary Christianity." He explores in this chapter the reasons why authoritarianism has returned and is threatening democracy. He dives deeper into defining "Authoritarian Reactionary Christianity," his preferred descriptor in Chapter 3, pointing out how culture wars and reactions to immigration and LGBTQ inclusion, have galvanized certain segments of the population who believe that Christianity is losing its hold on the nation. In Chapter 4, Gushee contrasts the secular revolutions of the 20th century and the religious counterrevolution. He follows here the work of political philosopher Michael Walzer. He lifts up the case of the secular Zionist movement that led to the founding of Israel and the religious movements that have taken the lead in Israel. He includes in the discussion the apocalyptic element as well. From there he moves to current trends in the USA and elsewhere, that are seeing similar religious reactions. David writes that he believes it is reasonable to "suggest that the perceived secular revolutions(s) of the 1960s finally created the motivation necessary for the United States to have its first experience of an organized religious (mainly Christian) counterrevolution." (p. 70). That counterrevolution is threatening American democracy. What many had assumed was stable and unsusceptible to collapse is now showing signs of possibility. Having raised the question of secular revolutions and religious counterrevolution, Gushee spends the next six chapters taking note of reactionary political movements that sought to sweep aside secular states. He begins with France from 1870 to 1944 (chapter 5) and then moves to what he calls the "The Politics of Cultural Despair in Germany, 1853-1933," a political period that gave way to Hitler's Nazi movement in 1933. Many of the seeds of Hitler's movement were planted during this period, including anti-Jewish sentiment. Part of this reaction is the emergence of a "corrupted, quasi-Christian nationalist religion" that bears "little resemblance to Jesus or historic Christian moral political norms." (p. 195). From there we move in Chapter 7 to "Authoritarian Reactionary Christianity in Putin's Russia." As we watch the war between Russia and the Ukraine we've seen authoritarian reactionary Christianity on full display as Putin has made common cause with the Russian Orthodox Patriarch, couching the war in religious terms. Although not nearly as reactionary as Russia, chapter 8 lifts up the situation in Poland, where politicians had sought to align with the Roman Catholic Church in ways that have degraded Poland's democracy (though a recent election seems to have stemmed this trend for the moment). More disconcerting is Victor Orban's Hungary (Chapter 9), as Orban has essentially established one-man rule rooted in reactionary Christianity. His motto is "illiberal democracy." This is an important chapter because Orban has become a hero to many on the American Right, with Donald Trump and many GOP leaders idolizing him. Tucker Carlson has broadcast from Hungary and conservative movements have held conventions there. Orban's Hungary has become the model for what some would like to see happen in the United States. Chapter 10 takes note of the former President of Brazil, who embraced a similar version of authoritarian reactionary Christianity. Although he lost re-election, like Trump he rejected the results of the election. The situations discussed in chapters 5 through 10, lead to a discussion of "Authoritarian Reactionary Christianity in Trump's United States." While neither David nor I see Trump as a true believer, he has galvanized a significant portion of the electorate who are true believers. They serve as Trump's enablers. One of the dimensions of this movement is an attempt to contrast democracy and a republic, something the current Speaker of the House and other Republicans have sought to do. While the Constitution speaks of the United States being a republic, the distinction being made is not a legitimate effort. So what are the resources, especially religious resources that can help us turn the tide? Gushee devotes several chapters to answering this question. He begins in Chapter 12 by laying out "The Baptist Democratic Tradition," drawing in large part on the work of his mentor Glen Stassen. He lays out how Baptists embraced democratic principles and expressed an allergy toward authoritarianism. The second tradition that he points to is the Black Christian Democratic Tradition (Chapter 13). He points to slavery as America's Original Sin, such that the voice of the African American Christian Community needs to be heard since "authoritarian reactionary Christianity" here and abroad is wrapped up in white racism, even if many if not most white folks don't see this reality. The Black struggle for equality can serve as inspiration to movements seeking true equality. The third element may seem surprising to some because you might think that the Enlightenment movements of the late sixteenth century would be the key to restoring democratic principles, but Gushee finds that Lockeian democracy has lost steam. However, in Chapter 14 he points us to the covenantal vision that the early Puritans developed. While he recognizes the baggage the Puritans carry, the concept of covenant could be quite useful in renewing democracy in America. He notes that covenant relationships understood that God served as the witness and guarantor. He points out that democracy requires "covenant fidelity," for our citizenship, at least theoretically, is not based on blood lineage, but on allegiance. This is a fascinating idea, that renewal begins by reclaiming covenant language and ideas. Now, you might think that Gushee is suggesting that the renewal of democracy requires Christian theological concepts. In a way, he is, but not in a way that imposes Christianity on others. What he is suggesting is a way for Christians to reengage with the political system, embrace democracy and pluralism, and draw from Christian traditions that support democracy. This is a word of hope at a time when many are discouraged by the political situation of the moment. For this, we can be thankful for the work of scholars who bring their scholarship to bear on the practical concerns of the time. So, please read and discuss this important work. ...more |
Notes are private!
|
1
|
Nov 14, 2023
|
Dec 13, 2023
|
Sep 27, 2023
|
Hardcover
| ||||||||||||||
| 1506488072
| 9781506488073
| B0BV3GS4KC
| 3.71
| 7
| unknown
| Sep 12, 2023
|
really liked it
|
Christian nationalism isn't just an American issue. Christian nationalists are rising up in many places, especially in Eastern Europe and yes in the U
Christian nationalism isn't just an American issue. Christian nationalists are rising up in many places, especially in Eastern Europe and yes in the United States. My denomination, the Christian Church (Disciples of Christ) voted to affirm a resolution opposing Christian nationalism at our 2023 General Assembly. Since we're a binational denomination, we took note of Christian nationalist movements in both the United States and Canada. A number of books have been written addressing this issue, some of which I've read, others I want to read. It is good that voices are being raised, voices that offer sound, analytical reflections, calling for Christians to take a deep look at our susceptibility to such movements. Randall Balmer's book "Saving Faith" addresses Christian nationalism, but while it is a very brief book, it offers a call to American Christians, especially evangelicals, to reclaim a prophetic voice. Balmer teaches American religion at Dartmouth, after many years at Columbia University. Balmer writes to a community that he once called home. Like many of us who are now post-evangelical, he has a sense of loss at what he has seen happen to evangelicalism. especially white evangelicalism. In many ways this is a word to the church and Christianity at large, acknowledging the decline in our fortunes and the realities of racism in the church and nation. Balmer writes this book from the perspective of a professed Christian who grew up in the Evangelical Free Church and graduated from an evangelical college and seminary. He notes that he grew up in the evangelical subculture, the son of an Evangelical Free Church pastor. He writes in his preface, "I'll put up my credentials as an evangelical up against anyone --- including Franklin Graham, by the way, although I concede that his father, Bill Graham, might have been a bit more famous than mine" (p. xiv). While he has the credentials, he has drifted away from that world because he was tired of the "pitched, vicious, internecine battles over such issues as biblical inerrancy that I witnessed in seminary" (p. xiv). While his current evangelical identity might be questioned, he insists that he cares deeply about the Christian faith. Thus, the reason for writing this book. As you might expect, this book is directed at a community he once called home. He offers seven chapters that begin with an analysis of the current situation (chapter 1 is titled "How Bad Is It?") and finishes by making a case for prophetic Christianity (Chapter 7). That first chapter addresses the decline of Christianity, especially among Mainline Protestant churches, noting some of the reasons for that decline (he is not big on ecumenism). As for evangelicalism, it gained adherents for a number of reasons, including being present in the suburbs. The concern here has to do with the turn from spiritual populism to politics. That turn to politics, interestingly enough, began with Jimmy Carter. Many evangelicals, including many of my friends, embraced Carter because of his confession of faith, though they abandoned him in 1980 when it became clear that his politics were liberal. While some make abortion out to be a big issue, it wasn't in the beginning. Instead, it was racism -- a defense of racial segregation --- that gave rise to white evangelical political involvement. It's something Donald Trump was able to use. Chapter 2 offers up what Balmer calls "Misguided Remedies." One is a return to the world of Mayberry (he notes that during its entire run, only one Black character appeared in the Andy Griffith Show). He notes the contribution of the opening up in 1965 of immigration from places other than Europe, allowing people whose religions were other than Christian to begin immigrating. For many Christians, this increase in religious diversity was seen as a threat to the Christian hegemony. He takes note of the influence of people like Roger Williams, a Baptist who called for the separation of Church and State, something another Baptist, Judge Roy Moore opposed as he posted the Ten Commandments in his court. It is in Chapter 3 that Balmer addresses directly the burgeoning Christian Nationalism. He notes that the only way the US can be described as a "Christian Nation" is if we focus on demographics. As for the nation's government being based on Christian principles, the founders, including George Washington, made it clear, especially in the Treaty with Tripoli, that the United States is not a Christian nation. Before beginning to make his case for reclaiming a prophetic faith in chapter 4 he addresses several problematic dimensions of Christian hegemony, including the way Christians treated Native Americans, including the tragedies of the boarding schools. Then there are the tortured defenses of slavery by Christian theologians such as Louis Dabney and Basil Manly. Being that Balmer is addressing first and foremost evangelicals, he begins building his case for a prophetic Christianity by going "Back to the Bible." In chapter 5, Balmer bemoans the fact that while evangelicals claim to be people of the Bible, defending its authority, they seem to neglect what it has to say about many of the issues of the day. Thus, "if we Christians entertain any hopes of reviving the faith and making Christianity relevant once again, we must find a way to reconnect with the Scriptures" (p. 54). It's a view that resonates we me. If we do this, then perhaps we will hear the words of the Hebrew prophets who call for justice and repentance, along with the message of Jesus who makes similar claims. Chapter 6 invites us to consider "Worthy Examples," people such as the British parliamentarian William Wilberforce who worked to end the slave trade. He mentions numerous others, people like Elijah Pilcher, who founded Albion College in Michigan, making sure to admit women. He mentions people like Theodore Dwight Weld, the Grimke sisters, and Josiah Grinnell who joined the roster of abolitionists. These are only a few examples that Balmer lifts up, including figures like Beth Moore, who chose to reject the narrowness of an evangelical message that is tinged with racism and anti-women perspectives. Chapter 7 makes a brief case for prophetic Christianity. He suggests that in seeking political power evangelicals have lost their prophetic voice. He wants to call them to account and point to a better way. He reminds us that prophetic Christianity lives on the margins of society and not in the center. That's not an easy place to be, but if prophetic Christianity is to rise again, it will have to move to the margins. With that in mind, Balmer includes in an appendix the "Chicago Declaration of Evangelical Social Concern," a document created in the 1970s that voice a commitment to Christian social concern, including addressing racism. He believes that this document could serve as a starting point for that reclamation. This is less than 100 pages. It is a quick read, but it offers an important challenge to evangelicals and the broader Christian world to heed the words of Scripture and reclaim our prophetic voice so that we might throw off the right-wing populism of the moment that has captured part of the church, reject Christian nationalism, and embrace the way of Jesus. That seems to me to be a good idea. ...more |
Notes are private!
|
1
|
Jul 29, 2023
|
Aug 02, 2023
|
Jul 29, 2023
|
Kindle Edition
| ||||||||||||||
| 0802881696
| 9780802881694
| 0802881696
| 4.40
| 5
| unknown
| Jul 11, 2023
|
it was amazing
|
The question of religious liberty or religious freedom is up for debate in the United States. It is part of our political conversation and legal conve
The question of religious liberty or religious freedom is up for debate in the United States. It is part of our political conversation and legal conversation. A number of cases involving important matters of church and state have appeared before the Supreme Court in recent years. It appears that the current court is apt to side with religious claimants. While some of these rulings have been helpful others have troubling consequences. As with many other areas of life, the populace is divided. So how should we understand and respond appropriately to matters in front of us? For those of us who are adherents of a religious tradition, the outcome of these debates and rulings can have an impact on our lives. So how should we proceed? Thomas Berg has written an important book that explores the many sides of this topic of religious liberty. He is the James L. Oberstar Professor of Law and Public Policy at the University of St. Thomas School of Law in Minnesota. Besides his teaching duties, he has served as an advocate and advisor to numerous groups as they seek redress in the courts. Thus, he brings both scholarly and practical insight to the questions at hand. He is committed to supporting religious freedom, but he also understands the limits. Sometimes there is a fine line between religious freedom and the rights and concerns of those affected by claimants of religious freedom. It should be noted that in any book dealing with current debates, there have been developments that have come about since the manuscript went to the publisher. In this case, he wrote the preface in December 2022. While the Dobbs decision had come down other decisions across the country have taken place since that moment. Berg covers a lot of ground in "Religious Liberty in a Polarized Age," offering important guidance on matters that range from the intersection of LGBTQ rights and traditionalist religious perspectives to the rights of minority religions. He has pointed words for folks on both the left and right, religious and non-religious. Some of his recommendations will not sit well with some of my friends, but perhaps the need for balance here is key to removing the polarization so that we can move forward in respecting the rights and needs of all. As one might expect much of the focus of the book centers on the Supreme Court. Berg points out that the "bitterness of religious-liberty disputes arises from, but also feeds into, the overall bitter polarization of our society" (p. 4). Berg divides his book into three parts, with the two chapters in Part 1 providing an overview of "the problem of polarization and religious liberty." He begins with a chapter laying out the current situation facing us in a "Polarized America." This provides the setting for what is to come by acknowledging the fact of polarization. From there, in Chapter 2, he moves more directly to "Polarization on Religious-Liberty Issues." He focuses on three sets of religious-liberty issues. First is discrimination against Muslim individuals and organizations supported by conservative Christians. Secondly, there is the opposition of progressives to meaningful protections for traditionalist religious organizations when it comes to conflicts between LGBTQ nondiscrimination laws. Finally, there are conflicts over religious meetings during the Covid pandemic. He notes that the pattern of religious liberty disputes has not only contributed to the overall sorting out of political positions, but they have aggravated them, whereas religious liberty is supposed to calm such concerns. Having laid out the basic areas of concern in Part 1, in Part 2 Berg offers arguments for religious freedom. In the three chapters in this section, Berg seeks to lay out arguments for protecting the religious liberty of all Americans. He begins in chapter 3 by arguing for recognition of how religion is, for many a pervasive element in their personal identity. Therefore, if their ability to live out their faith is curtailed that causes them harm. That is an important reason why the Founders sought to protect religious liberty. Chapter 4 offers an argument as to why protecting religious freedom can help reduce fear, alienation, and division in American society. The final chapter in Part 2 argues for the role of religious involvement and the freedom to serve and contribute to the common good. Here, Berg emphasizes the contributions made by people of faith and faith-based institutions. While he lays out the ways in which religious communities can and do contribute to the common good, he also acknowledges the damage done when such groups fail to contribute to the common good. Here he cautions especially white evangelicals. So the point here is that we should treat religious freedom as the foundation for the freedom to serve. Part 3 brings the book to a close. The focus here is "Principles of Religious Freedom." This section contains four chapters that offer ways in which "strong religious freedom for all" can be translated into concrete principles of law. The first chapter in this section offers a primer on the Constitution's free-exercise principles. These principles, according to Berg, to fulfill their objective, must, first of all, provide a standard of protection of religious liberty that applies to all faiths. In other words, one cannot claim freedom for one's own beliefs and practices and then seek to deny them to others (as we have seen in white evangelicals opposing the rights of Muslims). Second, laws have to protect religious liberty from all sources of threat. Finally, "Religious freedom must have boundaries set by the interests of others and of society. Without such boundaries, religious-freedom protections lose credibility and ultimately, staying power" (p. 188). Examples can be nondiscrimination laws for LGBTQ persons that offer exemptions for religious persons/communities. Here there is a fine line that is difficult to maintain, as many of my LGBTQ friends have discovered. Having laid out general principles in Chapter 6, Berg moves to protecting Minority faith communities, with the primary focus being attempted restrictions on Muslims. Here he argues that it is in the best interests of conservative Christians to support the religious freedom of Muslims and other religious minorities. If they argue against such freedoms, they then undermine their own religious liberty claims. He addresses religious progressives like me, suggesting that in our support for religious minorities, it is wise to recognize that conservative Christians can at times be a vulnerable minority. Examples include colleges and universities barring Christian groups from meeting on university property, while other nonreligious groups are provided such locations. In this chapter, he addresses a variety of topics from beards for Muslims to the use of peyote in Native American rituals to the provision of appropriate foods in prison for persons with religiously restrictive diets. In Chapter 8, Berg addresses the need to balance LGBTQ rights and religious freedom. This is a challenging chapter. I understand the need for exceptions for religious schools and other nonprofits along with religious communities. While challenges to exceptions often use racial/ethnic discrimination laws as a parallel, Berg suggests a better analogy is religious freedom. He addresses the concern that many have after the Dobbs decision on abortion, that similar arguments could be used to undermine Oberkfell. He addresses these and suggests that while the fear is there, it is different from Dobbs. Since we're seeing attacks on the rights of LGBTQ folks, especially transgender, this chapter is going to be a challenge. Whether his solutions are acceptable will have to be worked out. He argues for protecting the rights of both sides. It's not easy, but likely necessary at this moment. But by providing appropriate religious exemptions, some of the polarization might be calmed. Finally, in chapter 9, Berg addresses government religious speech ranging from prayers at civic and legislative events and school prayers. As one who has prayed/given invocation at civic events, I am implicated in this conversation. While the SCOTUS has affirmed the propriety of prayers in legislative settings, some rulings of which Berg thinks might go too far, the issue of school prayers remains largely unresolved. The question here revolves around the challenge of government endorsement of religion, especially when that endorsement often involves a majority faith (Christianity). Here the concern is one of coercion and how we avoid it. As Berg brings the book to a conclusion, a book that by and large I find to be extremely insightful and helpful, he notes the ironies involved in the debate over the protection of religious freedom. One irony has to do with evangelical claims that Muslims are threats to society and have sought restrictions on Muslim practices, and travel, along with calling for surveillance of Muslim communities, when the same concerns leveled at Muslims by evangelicals are those offered by Progressives, who claim that religious conservativism is nothing more than a religious covering of a bigoted political movement. The divisive issues still on the table concern abortion and what happens after Dobbs. Here again, the issue is complicated, especially since religious communities are not of one mind. Conservative Christians might argue for the need to protect the life of the unborn, even at the risk to the mother, while Jews would argue for protecting the life of the mother. So whose religious rights are at risk? Finding a path forward that will bring a sense of calm will not be easy, though the example of an effort in Utah to protect LGTQ rights and those of religiously conservative citizens might be one possible example. He believes that "a commitment to religious freedom can help in these solutions if that commitment is strong, treats all faith evenhandedly, and remains mindful of other interests. It's not easy, but will be necessary if our country is to avoid dividing into warring factions. While I did struggle with the chapter on LGBTQ concerns, overall I believe this will prove to be an important contribution to a needed conversation that can lead us beyond the current polarization. ...more |
Notes are private!
|
1
|
Jul 02, 2023
|
Jul 24, 2023
|
Jul 02, 2023
|
Hardcover
| ||||||||||||||
| 1666712973
| 9781666712971
| 1666712973
| 3.00
| 1
| unknown
| Apr 13, 2023
|
liked it
|
Is democracy under attack in the United States? You could make a case that efforts are underway that whether intentional or not are undermining it. Ef
Is democracy under attack in the United States? You could make a case that efforts are underway that whether intentional or not are undermining it. Efforts to limit voting rights or gerrymander representative districts have contributed to the concerns. Then there is the argument on the part of growing numbers of people affiliated with the Republican Party who argue that we're a republic and not a democracy. Apparently, they don't understand that these are not mutually exclusive terms. After all, the United Kingdom is a democracy and a monarchy. Those are not mutually exclusive terms either. The fact is there is a growing openness to authoritarianism across the globe. We see this in Hungary, where Victor Orban has instituted a form of Christian nationalism that many in the United States wish to emulate. So, something is afoot that is eroding support for democracy in the United States. Here in the United States, where I live, the figure of Donald Trump embodies this growing embrace of authoritarianism. He has demonstrated his attraction to authoritarian figures, sharing his admiration for Vladimir Putin, Kim Jong Un, and Xi Jinping, to name just a few. I think if he could get some body in the United States to agree to it, he would seek to be named President for Life, like Xi of China. So, is Trump a threat to democracy in the United States? Possibly. By possibly I mean that he has followers who in an almost cultish fashion would possibly embrace him in that role. After all, a sizable portion of the Republican party believes he's still the President of the United States. The question that some have raised asks whether or not Trump is the embodiment of evil. That is the question raised by Rodney Kennedy in "Good and Evil in the Garden of Democracy." Kennedy is a Baptist pastor and homiletics instructor at Palmer Theological Seminary. He has a Ph.D. in rhetoric from LSU. That background is foundational to the book under review. Kennedy draws on his background in theology and rhetoric to create an argument that Donald Trump is the embodiment of evil and that he must be stopped for the good of democracy in the United States. While I agree that Trump is the embodiment of a larger movement that is a threat to democracy, as I read Kennedy's book, I found myself uncomfortable with some of his rhetoric. In essence, I thought he pushed this idea that Trump is the embodiment of evil too far. Interestingly, in his conclusion, he acknowledges that some of his readers might feel this way. However, he believes the threat is such that rhetoric some might think is overblown is necessary. He may be correct, but I need to register my discomfort at points. Some of my concern involves how I perceived some of the ways Kennedy envisions the way good and evil work. It seemed that at points, he was suggesting that good and evil are two equally powerful cosmic powers, with Trump embodying the evil, perhaps pulling the strings of this movement of evil. Do I believe that Trump is capable of evil? Most certainly. We know him to be a serial liar, a philanderer, and more. But is he the devil or a narcissistic conman? I tend to lean toward the latter. It has never appeared that Trump has a true ideology. He's just about himself, and somehow he's been able to con a lot of people into believing what he believes about himself --- that he alone can solve the world's problems. Kennedy writes in his introduction what is the thesis of the book. Trump provides us with a "template for understanding what is evil and what is good. He represents a form of evil that finds withering condemnation in Scripture, philosophy, and rhetoric. Trump is the most conspicuous advocate of the evil that often lurks in the religious realm, posing as goodness, greatness, strength, and wisdom" (p. 25). It is this template that Kennedy seeks to address, bringing together his reading of scripture and philosophy, together with his use of rhetoric, to uncover Trump's threat to democracy. Through the chapters that follow, he explores various dimensions of this template of evil. He begins in chapter 1 by exploring the concept of good and evil in Proverbs, using the author of Proverb's contrast of the wise and loose woman, with Trump representing the loose woman. He suggests that similar tropes appear in Plato's "Phaedrus." Then in chapter 2, Kennedy turns to the Psalms, looking at the picture of evil presented there. Chapters 3 and 4 turn to the study of rhetoric to explore the concepts of evil and good. In Chapter 3, Kennedy focuses on the rhetoric of Hitler, suggesting that Trump mirrors in some ways Hitler's rhetoric. The key here is the use by both figures of the idea of victimization. Then in chapter 4, Kennedy offers an alternative rhetoric, a vision of the good as represented by the Czech democratic leader Vaclav Havel. In contrast to Trump, Havel emphasized humility, empathy, and irony. Finally, in chapter 5, Kennedy lifts up the songs of democracy by Walt Whitman along with songs from the African American prophetic tradition, as well as the biblical Song of Solomon. In this chapter, Kennedy seeks to offer a different vision of society, wherein democracy can be preserved. He suggests that Whitman envisioned a society where everyone is involved and welcomed as opposed to the current partisan effort to appeal to the base. He writes that "the experience of being one united people --- an actual 'united' States of America is the ground on which we can stand together as we argue, judge, evaluate, deliberate, discern, and draw the lines that make politics work. In a thriving democracy, everyone knows that politics is the conversation that people have to discover the goods we have in common" (p. 201). I'm not in disagreement as to the threat posed by certain movements within our country to democracy. While Donald Trump is certainly an embodiment of that threat, I fear that by placing so much emphasis on him we may miss the greater threat. Donald Trump may go away, but the antidemocratic sentiment, which seems to be combined with a certain evangelical spirit, will remain. Thus, I struggled reading the book. I know that there is a lot of truth to be found here, but I am among those who may find him pushing the envelope further than I might be comfortable with. In the end, whether my view of the book is correct, we do have a problem in our land, and Donald Trump, whether the embodiment of evil or not, is certainly the face of that problem. ...more |
Notes are private!
|
1
|
Apr 29, 2023
|
May 08, 2023
|
Apr 29, 2023
|
Paperback
| ||||||||||||||
| 1685890172
| 9781685890179
| B09WH4FQ58
| 3.68
| 56
| unknown
| Sep 20, 2022
|
really liked it
|
None
|
Notes are private!
|
1
|
Nov 06, 2022
|
Aug 19, 2023
|
Nov 06, 2022
|
Kindle Edition
| ||||||||||||||
| 1506482112
| 9781506482118
| 1506482112
| 3.96
| 99
| unknown
| May 31, 2022
|
really liked it
|
Christian nationalism is on the rise not just in the United States but globally. It takes on different forms in different places, but wherever it's fo
Christian nationalism is on the rise not just in the United States but globally. It takes on different forms in different places, but wherever it's found it distorts the Christian message. In many places, it is a response to a growing fear of secularism and immigration. Here in the United States (where I live) it fuels political efforts that not only distort Christianity but is a growing threat to the nation's democratic political system. So, why do people find it attractive, especially devout Christians? Pamela Cooper-White is a professor of psychology and religion. As such, she brings these two areas of study and experience to this question. I found the book helpful at many points, especially toward the end as she addresses ways in which the challenges of Christian nationalism can be addressed and bridges can be built to reach out to those caught in its grips. This is important because many of us have friends and family who have found themselves caught up in it. She begins with the January 6th attack on the capitol building, where members of Congress together with the Vice President had gathered to do their duty and confirm the victory of Joe Biden as President. While the mob did not get their way, many of us watched as members of the crowd carried Christian flags and other religious symbols and signs as they broke into the capitol building. Those scenes more than anything made some of us sick to our stomachs. How can a supposed religious symbol become a weapon? While I found the book helpful, there are points at which I found Cooper-White's knowledge of millennial perspectives and evangelicalism, in general, to be off. Having been part of that community, I have a feel for it. Thus, I was bothered by her turn to experts on cults to explore and explain this phenomenon. While there are similarities, most of those drawn to it do not exhibit the kind of behaviors usually attributed to members of cultish groups like the Moonies. At the same time, we're all susceptible to manipulation (something she makes clear). So, ultimately, this is a helpful book, but one that could be improved by consulting scholars of evangelicalism, especially those dealing with millennialism. But, as for Christian nationalism, it is a problem that the churches must address for the good of the churches and of the nation. ...more |
Notes are private!
|
2
|
Oct 20, 2022
not set
|
Oct 29, 2022
not set
|
Oct 29, 2022
|
Paperback
| ||||||||||||||
| 0802882323
| 9780802882325
| 0802882323
| 4.80
| 5
| unknown
| Jun 28, 2022
|
it was amazing
|
I am a retired pastor who has been actively engaged in the public square for much of my ministry. As such I've witnessed the growing polarization of o
I am a retired pastor who has been actively engaged in the public square for much of my ministry. As such I've witnessed the growing polarization of our society. There are many reasons for that polarization that goes back to my own childhood, but which seems to be getting more severe in recent decades. The polarization that divides us politically also divides the churches from one another, and even local churches experience it. The question is, as the church, how do we navigate this reality? That's especially true as the title of Robin Lovin's book asks: "What do we do when nobody is listening?" Although there are very loud voices claiming to represent Jesus demanding to be heard, is anybody really listening? Or, is it more likely that the church itself has been co-opted by the political realities? For those charged with religious leadership such as pastors like me, how do we lead the church in this polarized society, as the subtitle of the book suggests? "What Do We Do When Nobody Is Listening?" is the contribution of United Methodist minister and Christian ethicist Robin W. Lovin. Lovin has served as the William H. Scheide Senior Fellow in Theology at the Center of Theological Inquiry in Princeton, NJ as well as the Cary Maguire University Professor of Ethics at SMU and dean of SMU's Perkins School of Theology. He is the author of a number of books dealing with Christian ethics. He brings that expertise to this conversation. The book divides into two parts. Part One sets the context and Part Two offers suggestions for a way forward. Part 1, titled "Divisions" states the problem in two chapters. Chapter 1 is titled Polarization, and in this chapter Lovin does an excellent job laying out the problem of polarization, helping us understand how we got to where we are at this point in time. This chapter focuses on the political and cultural divides. He notes that our political system, which is breaking down, was designed to moderate our conflicts. Disagreements existed/exist, but we found ways of working to find a partial answer/solution that involved compromises. But in this new reality, no compromises are allowed. We've divided ourselves into teams, and we will brook no dissent. This reality is known as reasonable pluralism. While by the late twentieth century our politics had become fragmented, no we are polarized, though how we label these poles is not clear. The goal however is to put the other side out of business. What we're left with is politics without solutions, that can be expressed through logos on a T-Shirt. So, what of the church? Well, the church has been caught up in the mix of American politics. Thus, today, Lovin notes that "the prevailing strategy today seems to aim at consolidating the base toward one end of the political spectrum and identifying everyone else as the opposition" (p, 35). Does that sound familiar to you? It sure does to me. So in chapter 2, Lovin explores how churches are adapting to this reality. The question facing the church is whether we've adapted to the changes or have we been exploited by the purveyors of the two poles? As he explores these questions, he brings into view the response of the Confessing Church and especially Dietrich Bonhoeffer, who figures prominently in this book. During the 1930s, as Hitler came to power, Bonhoeffer and others like him sought to take up space in the changing society. They did this by creating an alternative to the prevailing winds. It was an act of resistance. There are other ways of resisting, which we see happening and perhaps participate in. Conservative Christians have resisted by stressing religious freedom (at least a freedom that benefits their position). Others have resisted through withdrawal from society. So the question is, how do we take up space? Part of that is by pursuing the penultimate, but making that the ultimate, which is what is happening in our polarized society. The goal here, for the church, is to determine what are concrete goods that can be achieved and pursue them. This involves ethical reflection and formation so that people can discern what are those concrete goods that can be pursued. If Part 1 lays out the problem and suggests some possible ways forward, Part 2 focuses on specific ways of responding. These are described under the heading of "Listening." Lovin discerns that one of the reasons we see so much polarization is that we don't listen. Listening as Lovin understands it here is not just openness to an argument but involves understanding. Thus, "it involves a readiness to go beyond first impressions and surface differences to discern connections between people and experiences across time and distance. Listening is acquiring a way to think about things that seem too large to grasp, or too small to be worth a name" (p. 79). So, when it comes to listening, Lovin speaks of three forms of listening. The first is listening to the Word, which is the Word of God. We need to reconnect with our foundations. This means letting faith, hope, and love have their say to our lives. This Word forms us in ways that allow us to take the next step of listening. Thus, we move to listening to the world. Again we need to be formed so that in our divided society we not only find ways of cooperating but allow us to discern the penultimate goods that need our attention. This requires being formed by faith, hope, and love. This involves more than talk or embracing the right terms. It requires finding people who will join with us in creating the penultimate good. Finally, in chapter 5, we are asked to listen to those who are not being heard. When we divide into two opposing parties who are unwilling to speak to each other or work with each other, there will be those who do not get heard. He notes that those who need most to be heard tend to speak softly if they speak at all. Thus, "unless we are attuned to respond to them as a response to God's action on us, we will not be able to find a new way beyond the divisions that are now set so firmly in place." The conclusion to this relatively brief book, which is designed to be used in congregational conversation (see the study guide that is appended to the book), Lovin returns to the concept of "taking up space in a divided society." Here he offers a few concluding suggestions for a forward that makes it possible to take up space in a divided context. As he points out "faith is not just a set of ideas they believe. Their lives are formed by it, and the world is changed by their presence in it" (p. 146). He begins by noting the importance of inclusiveness, where all are welcome. This isn't just the base. He writes that the "church takes up space that helps preserve the shrinking middle ground where people do not already have all the answers." pp. 148-149). The next element of taking up space may be problematic for some, but it makes sense. That is "elusiveness." While there is a place for a bold witness, in our divided society, there is the danger of simply defining ourselves into one of the two camps. Sometimes we need to be hard to pin down, so we can listen to each other. It's easy to wear our T-Shirt to a rally or wave a flag signaling our place on the issues of the day. No need to talk or listen -- the logo says it all. The next piece is effectiveness. That means working to accomplish concrete goods and not merely signal our virtue! That, Lovin suggests, might "draw a more interesting mix of people than starting with a slogan" (p. 151). When we do this, there is the possibility of producing a change in our society, that would be the concrete goods that benefit all. That would seem to be a goal worth pursuing. The path to this goal involves finding ways of taking up space through our presence in the world, not through slogans and signaling, but working together for the common good. ...more |
Notes are private!
|
1
|
Jul 21, 2022
|
Aug 08, 2022
|
Jul 21, 2022
|
Paperback
| ||||||||||||||
| 0664267203
| 9780664267209
| 0664267203
| 4.60
| 5
| unknown
| Mar 02, 2021
|
really liked it
|
Racism has been called America’s “original sin.” It is a sin that led to the genocide of much of the Native American population and was expressed in t
Racism has been called America’s “original sin.” It is a sin that led to the genocide of much of the Native American population and was expressed in the chattel slavery of persons brought to this continent from Africa. It has been expressed in laws that denied Asians either the opportunity to immigrate or achieve citizenship in the United States. It has been expressed in the treatment of Latinos/as—a community of peoples, many of whom trace their ancestry to a time before much of the Southwest was part of the United States. The ramifications of this original sin of racism remain with us. While many hoped that the election of Barack Obama would usher in a post-racial age, nothing of the sort has transpired. Racism remains a scourge on our land. We’ve seen it play out in various ways in recent years, coming to a head during the final year of Donald Trump’s term, when a racial reckoning coincided with a global pandemic. The aftereffects remain with us even after the end of the Trump term. Even as attempts are made to build relationships, educate against racism, and reform institutions change has proven to be slow. Indeed, the names Trayvon Martin and Michael Brown that gave birth to the “#BlackLivesMatter” movement, along with the rise of the Birther Movement, growing Islamophobia, and the rise of anti-Asian violence in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic, are all signs that there is much work to do. Simply claiming to be color-blind will not suffice. As a white male Christian, reading books about race and racism isn't comfortable. Neither is acknowledging white privilege. Yet, whether asked for or not, certain privileges have been accorded to me that are related to my color. By understanding that these privileges exist I put myself in a better position to stand as an ally with those whose ethnicity and race exclude them from these privileges. It is important to understand that these privileges have little to do with economics and everything to do with color. As an ordained minister in the Christian Church (Disciples of Christ) I am expected to participate in anti-racism training. This training is designed to sensitize clergy to the realities just mentioned so that we can help our congregations move forward toward being anti-racist communities. Educating ourselves to these realities is important, and there is an increasing number of books and resources that help us in this regard. One of these books is Race in America. Race in America is a revision of the book Race in Post-Obama America: The Church Responds, which was edited by David Maxwell and appeared in 2016 as President Obama’s term was ending and just before the beginning of Donald Trump’s term. The book is edited by David Maxwell and Laura Cheifetz. While Maxwell served as editor of the original edition, Cheifetz has joined him for this new edition. While the original edition drew on ten contributors, this edition has thirteen. They write as members of a committee, so identities are largely hidden. Therefore, the book represents a conversation among a group of people with a shared concern for the church and the broader world. One of the contributors, the Rev. Mary Gene Boteler, writes in the introduction that the book is especially poignant for white Christians living in the United States so that they might "read, discuss with others, and initiate or continue a plan of action to confront racism" (p. xvi-xvii). The book both educates and calls the reader to action. The book is divided into three parts. Part one defines and recounts racism in five chapters. The first chapter provides definitions of terms used in the book. That chapter is followed by one that explores the relationship of the Bible to racism. This is followed by two chapters that explore the “White and Nonwhite Binary.” These two chapters take a look at the history of the United States through the lens of whiteness. That is, who qualifies as white and what that means for how we live in this nation. These two chapters replace three chapters that look at U.S. history. Finally, part one is closed out with a chapter on “Trumpism.” This chapter is new and informative. It speaks to how the illusion of racial progress symbolized by Obama’s election was broken by the election of Donald Trump and the surge in white identity politics. Each of these chapters reminds us that while progress has been made at points, we are far from reaching any real post-racial age. If Part I offers definitions and recounts history, Part II focuses on the realities of racism today. There are four chapters in this section. The first chapter explores the relationship between colonialism, immigration, and assimilation. Chapter seven focuses on police brutality and the Black Lives Matter Movement, which was born before Trump, but took the lead in the protests that followed the death of George Floyd. Chapter 8 focuses on the role of social media, which has played both a positive and a negative role in the current crisis. It has been used to promote hate and bigotry and to organize responses. The authors do a good job of lifting up both the benefits and the challenges posed by social media regarding the continuing racial divide in America. The final chapter in this section is titled “Do Segregated Churches Imply Racism?” The authors agree with Martin Luther King’s declaration that the reality that eleven o'clock on Sunday is the most segregated hour of the week, and that this reality is a sign of racism. However, they aren’t sure that integrated worship is a true salve for the problem of racism in America if we continue with a melting pot vision of assimilation in which we all adopt the worship practices of the majority culture. While truly integrated worship is to be welcomed, a case can be made for, at least at this moment, the continuing existence of ethnic churches. But if we do move toward multi-cultural worship it needs to be more than simply a reflection of the dominant culture's preferences without allowing for other expressions to exist. So, in place of the melting pot, a better image for integrated worship is that of the salad, where distinctive elements are present and celebrated! We have a long way to go before this reality is widespread. Part three is titled “What to Do?” In chapter ten, a word is addressed to white people like me by contributors who are white. This chapter addresses the challenges of white supremacy and white privilege. It serves to remind us that racism is more than prejudice. It is systemic. We who are white often miss the signs. It is telling that 80% of white youth and young adults don't like talking about race and assume that they live by a color-blind code. So, what do we do? The authors provide us with eight excellent suggestions for how we who are white can address white privilege and work toward the elimination of racism. Among these include recognizing our privilege, along with educating ourselves as to what this means, and then speaking up and showing up. This chapter is not a comfortable read, but then it's not supposed to be. Finally, in chapter 11, we turn to the church's response. While we may want to quickly move toward a color-blind beloved community, they tell us that there must be justice before there can be reconciliation. That will take a lot of work. It means addressing questions of reparations and looking at how we engage in mission. The authors conclude that "racism is hard-wired into this country from its founding and then through its constitution and religious, social, economic, and political life. Undoing it will take more than reading a book or going to one protest. But change and transformation and hope are also in the DNA of the Christian Disciple" (p. 134). Addressing the challenge won't be easy, but this should not deter us or lead to complacency. That is not an option. It's a tough read, but like the numerous books that have emerged over the past decade, that is to be expected. It challenges and educates. Nonetheless, as the current political situation reminds us, there is much work to be done if we're to truly become that Beloved Community envisioned by Dr. King. The goal is not becoming color-blind, for that simply negates the wonderful diversity that is humanity. Rather it is a move toward respect and celebration of our diversity so that out of the many we might be one. ...more |
Notes are private!
|
1
|
Mar 12, 2021
|
Mar 22, 2021
|
Mar 12, 2021
|
Paperback
| ||||||||||||||
| 082720096X
| 9780827200968
| 082720096X
| 4.00
| 33
| unknown
| Sep 08, 2020
|
liked it
|
Offering a politics of compassion that might bring clarity and perhaps common ground within the church after/during this difficult era, Feldmeir addre
Offering a politics of compassion that might bring clarity and perhaps common ground within the church after/during this difficult era, Feldmeir addresses in sermonic ways such concerns as immigration, sexuality, healthcare, and more. It is designed to be used in congregations for conversation starters. Feldmeir is progressive but willing to listen. There is one major faux pas in the book, and that gave me a bit of concern -- it is likely an editing issue, but Thomas Aquinas isn't a 4th-century theologian (13th).
...more
|
Notes are private!
|
1
|
Feb 18, 2021
|
Feb 20, 2021
|
Feb 18, 2021
|
Paperback
| ||||||||||||||
| 0802877354
| 9780802877352
| 0802877354
| 4.33
| 336
| Mar 10, 2020
| Mar 10, 2020
|
really liked it
|
What role does religion play in the political life of the nation? For some, the United States is a Christian nation, or at least it should be one. If
What role does religion play in the political life of the nation? For some, the United States is a Christian nation, or at least it should be one. If so, good Christians should have control of the government. For others, there is a firm separation and among those some advocate for a complete withdrawal from public life. The remainder finds themselves somewhere in between. That's where I find myself, and the author of a Scandalous Witness claims similar space. However, Lee Camp finds himself further toward the separationists that do I. Scandalous Witness is subtitled "A Little Political Manifestor for Christians." That word manifesto should give one a sense of what they will find in the book. This is an attempt to draw a line in the sand, critiquing Christian partisans on both the left and the right. He strongly rejects the idea that the United States is the last great hope for the world. Rather, Christianity is the last best hope. Unfortunately, in the mind of the author, who is affiliated with the Churches of Christ, a branch of the Stone-Campbell Movement of which I'm a part. Though, he has some anabaptist leanings. The basic foundation of Camp's position is that Christianity is not a religion, in that it's not a private commitment, like a service club. Instead, it is an alternative politic. There is much here that is similar to the positions espoused by people like Stanley Hauerwas, who endorses the book. To those who insist that the United States is a Christian nation, he responds that not only has the US been a Christian nation but it is not possible. Instead, Christians should offer a faithful witness to a different way of being engaged in the world. It's not withdrawal, but it's also not control. The book offers fifteen propositions (remember this is a political manifesto). He begins by declaring a vision of history: "History Is Not One Damn Thing After Another." In other words, history has an end and a purpose. That will guide the Christian engagement with history. From there he moves through such propositions that the United States Is not the Hope of the World, that the US isn't a Christian Nation, that Christianity is not a religion but a politic. The final proposition is that "Christian Engagement Must Always be Ad Hoc." That is because until the Kingdom of God comes in its fullness "there is no ideologically pure or utopian social arrangement among the nations for which we should strive." (p. 164). Therefore, we must take each issue as it comes. It also requires us to understand where our allegiance lies -- it's with Christ -- and not with the party. I agree with much of what Camp writes, especially regarding matters of allegiance. As Christians, our allegiance transcends national boundaries. At the same time, I've struggled to figure out how to implement such a vision without joining in the political system. Camp takes a stronger view of nonviolence than do I -- and he critiques the realism that has guided my engagement. However, though my political leanings lean left, I've long been uncomfortable with the idea of a Christian Left in opposition to a Christian Right. In other words, it's easy for liberal/progressive Christians to simply become the religious arm of the Democratic Party. So, while I might quibble with Camp, his propositions do serve as a warning to both Left and Right--in critiquing both he's not staking out a middle position. He simply believes that Christians must approach important issues like race and justice from a different angle altogether. It's a challenging book that speaks to the age of Trump. ...more |
Notes are private!
|
1
|
Dec 15, 2020
|
Dec 19, 2020
|
Dec 15, 2020
|
Hardcover
| ||||||||||||||
| 0664266215
| 9780664266219
| 0664266215
| 4.10
| 41
| Feb 18, 2020
| Feb 18, 2020
|
liked it
|
How do faith and politics come together? The answer is, it's complicated. In theory, church and state are separate entities, but that doesn't mean the
How do faith and politics come together? The answer is, it's complicated. In theory, church and state are separate entities, but that doesn't mean the public square is empty of religious elements. There is a de facto civil religion that has roots in Protestant Christianity, and Christianity, especially Protestantism has played a significant role in public life in the United States. Sometimes that's been good. Other times it's not been good. Sometimes pastors run for public office, which in itself is complicated. How do you separate the two roles? In "Running for Our Lives," Robb Ryerse, a pastor from Arkansas got recruited to run as a primary challenger to a Republican congressional incumbent, tells the story of his attraction to politics, his call to ministry, and his recruitment and campaign for Congress in 2018. Ryerse was the founding pastor of Vintage Church in Fayetteville, Arkansas, and currently serves as co-pastor of his congregation with his wife Vanessa, and as Executive Director of Brand New Congress. According to the story, which is part memoir, from a young age Ryerse was interested in politics. He began his Christian life as a fundamentalist Christian and was a committed conservative Republican. Over time he got connected with the Emergent Church movement, of which Doug Pagitt was a key leader. He has led an Emergent style congregation for several years when in part due to his opposition to Donald Trump, once again became interested in politics. That led to his recruitment by the organization he now leads, Brand New Congress, to primary the Republican incumbent who was a staunch Trump supporter. In the book, we learn about his race for Congress, but also his involvement by Brand New Congress. This is an organization that recruited candidates to primary establishment members of Congress. Most appear to have been progressive Democrats, like Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez. Most of these candidates appear to be aligned with Bernie Sanders. Ryerse, interestingly, ran as a progressive Republican. He advocated for Medicare for All, which he claims a majority of Republicans support, as well as Climate Change, and many other policies that seem more aligned with liberal Democrats than with the Republicans. Throughout the book, Ryerse claims he is, in fact, a Republican, though I could never quite see where he fit within the Republican Party as it currently stands. Once upon a time, back when I was growing up, there was a significant liberal wing of the Republican Party. In my home state of Oregon, Republicans like Tom McCall and Mark Hatfield were strong environmentalists and Hatfield had a fairly strong anti-war record of voting. There aren't many Hatfields left in the Republican party, which is why I long ago switched to the Democratic Party. It's an intriguing book in that it lays out for us what could be the future of American politics. It's possible there will be political realignments in the future. Perhaps progressive Republicans will reemerge. It's hard to say. This might be a spoiler, but Ryerse didn't win. Then again, it appears that the only person in this group who did win was Ocasio-Cortez. I was left wondering whether Ryerse, having lost the first time out, might try it again. This time, maybe he would run as a Democrat. I figure the Democrats have a hard time recruiting candidates to run against conservative Republicans in deep-red state regions like Ryerse's district. In the end, the book has value, less as a primer on getting elected to Congress as an anti-establishment type and more as a reflection on the impact of faith on political views. We can watch as Ryerse tried to be a pastor and a politician. Apparently, he continues to try to thread that needle. So, we can consider how that can occur. ...more |
Notes are private!
|
1
|
Feb 21, 2020
|
Mar 05, 2020
|
Feb 21, 2020
|
Paperback
| ||||||||||||||
| 0062743147
| 9780062743145
| 0062743147
| 4.23
| 115
| unknown
| May 07, 2019
|
it was amazing
|
The United States prides itself on its protections of religious freedom. We tell the story of how the Pilgrims came to these shores so they might have
The United States prides itself on its protections of religious freedom. We tell the story of how the Pilgrims came to these shores so they might have religious liberty. Truth be told, they were only interested in freedom for themselves. The same was true of most of those who made their way to the shores of North America. At the time that the nation was founded, most states had some form of an established church. Most often that was either Anglican or Congregational. There were a few states, like Rhode Island and Pennsylvania that offered religious freedom, but they were the exception. Even after the Constitution was ratified, some states kept their establishment, and until the 14th Amendment, the First Amendment protections were not applied to the states, only the federal government. Down through time, religious freedom has been a contested issue. Many assumed that it applied only to Christians, and by Christian that meant Protestant. Steven Waldman's book Sacred Liberty tells the story of how this nation dealt with religious freedom. There is a belief that the United States has always been a beacon of religious freedom, but such is not the case. From the very earliest colonists, those in the majority set the rules for others. In New England, it was the Congregationalists who dominated. In the South, it tended to be Anglicans. Only a few colonies offered some form of freedom. These stories, including the stories of the persecution of Catholics and especially Quakers, is told as a precursor to independence and the establishment of a constitutional republic that at least at the federal level precluded religious tests for office and promised religious freedom, including free exercise. It is with chapter two and the exploration of "Madison's Model," as expressed in the First Amendment, that we get started with the conversation. Madison established the model, but as we see in chapter three, it is the eruption of the Second Great Awakening that undermined the state establishments. While this was true, freedom remained the province of Protestants. The first big question facing the nation was whether Catholics could be granted religious freedom. When the nation was founded Catholics formed a distinct minority of the population, but as time went on and immigration, especially from Ireland and later from southern Europe, this became an urgent concern. It wasn't really resolved until the 1960s. But, it wasn't just Catholics that faced suppression. There was a distinct effort to suppress the religious freedom of African slaves, some of whom were Muslim. Both African spiritualities and Islam were suppressed, and Christianity only reluctantly shared. In chapter six, Waldman notes that the religious freedoms promised by the First Amendment were first applied generally to the states only after the passage of the Fourteenth Amendment. This amendment and its application resulted from the efforts of John Bingham. While we think of the Fourteenth Amendment in terms of ending slavery nationwide, religion was a significant beneficiary. What is important to note is that Bingham believed that this amendment was part of his understanding of a "Divine Plan." (p. 90). The battle for liberty was not yet won. The nation faced the challenge of Mormonism and its practice of polygamy. Mormons defended it based on the free exercise of their religious faith. The courts disagreed, and eventually, polygamy was set aside, but the battle raised important questions about the limits of one's free exercise. Then there was the government effort to ban Native American spiritual practices, including the dances that defined their spirituality. Instead, the government sought to impose Christianity on them, so as to "kill the Indian" within them. Again, not one of our better moments. We hear that God has been run out of the schools, because of the ban on prayer and Bible reading in the schools. What partisans of this effort seem not to understand is that government-sponsored prayer was largely an effort to keep Protestantism in a dominant position. In the early 20th century the KKK emerged as a foe to Catholic immigration. Catholic school systems were developed because of debates over which Bible translation could be used in school. Much of this was rooted in anti-immigration efforts, largely directed at Italians. Again, not one of our better moments, but one that is largely forgotten. What about the Jehovah's Witnesses and their freedom to practice their faith. Their unwillingness to salute the flag, believing it to be idol worship, led to children being suspended from school, adults arrested and sometimes beaten nearly to death. But they persisted in the courts, and some of our freedoms we have today result from their efforts to confront attempts to institute coercive laws against religious communities. World War II saw the elevation of religious freedom and the inclusion of Jews at the table. This is the era in which we began to talk about the Judeo-Christian world. As this was going on the Supreme Court began to rule on religious issues, helping to sort out what establishment and free exercise means. This chapter, chapter 12, is an important one. Melissa Rogers' book Faith in American Public Life goes into much greater detail on these matters, but this is an excellent starting point. Even as the courts began to settle matters, and Protestants, Catholics, and Jews began to solidify their relationships, Congress passed important immigration reforms that allowed millions of Muslims, Buddhists, and Hindus to come to the United States, which opened up the nation to much greater religious diversity. While this was happening conservative Protestants and Catholics began to work together on issues like abortion, as they left aside old animosities. Moving closer to home, evangelicals, perhaps feeling the impact of changing demographics moved from claiming to be the moral majority to being a persecuted minority. That, as we are seeing, has produced political implications. Since 9-11 greater focus has been placed on Islam and its presence in our nation, so Waldman devotes two chapters to the place of Islam in the country. Interestingly, 70% of Muslims voted for George W. Bush in 2000, but in 2016 Donald Trump won as a Republican on a platform that included the suppression of Islam in America. These chapters explore how Islam has navigated these challenges and what it means for the religious freedom of all. Is it only for Christians, or does it apply across the board? As Waldman notes, one effort underway is to delegitimize Islam as a religion, defining it as a political ideology and thus not subject to First Amendment protections. Waldman closes the book with a summation of the journey the nation has been on regarding religious freedom. He points out areas where progress has been made and areas where it is deficient. In other words, this is a contested space. The Constitution may offer protections, but how these protections are applied merits great concern. There are places where I might quibble, especially his reference to David Barton as an influential evangelical historian. Barton is not a historian, he's a propagandist. Otherwise, I was very happy with the presentation. I believe it merits close attention as we try to live out the freedoms imagined by James Madison, where religion flourishes because it is set free from government interference. Waldman is a journalist, but he has a good eye for history. This is worth spending much time with, especially as we debate religious freedom at this time. What will be the future of religious liberty at home? Take a read, a very close read. ...more |
Notes are private!
|
1
|
Jan 10, 2020
|
Jan 23, 2020
|
Jan 10, 2020
|
Hardcover
| ||||||||||||||
| 1481309706
| 9781481309707
| 1481309706
| 4.25
| 12
| unknown
| Oct 15, 2019
|
it was amazing
|
There might be a principle of church-state separation in the United States, but despite claims of a naked public square, the wall of separation has ne
There might be a principle of church-state separation in the United States, but despite claims of a naked public square, the wall of separation has never been very high. Martin Marty says something somewhere that itis more like a line in the sand than an impermeable wall. There are constitutional parameters, for sure, but religion is never far from public life. One who knows a lot about the relationship between faith and public life is Melissa Rogers. She is currently a visiting professor at Wake Forest University, but before that, she served in the Obama administration as the Executive Director of the White House Office of Faith-Based and Neighborhood Partnerships. She also endorsed my book Faith in the Public Square: Living Faithfully in 21st Century America. A Baptist, Rogers reflects that stream of Baptist belief and practice that has sought to keep the state at arm's length in its relationship with the religious community. That perspective is on display here. Standing at the center of the book is Rogers' commitment to protecting religious liberty, and by that, she means preserving it for all people, whether religious or not. We live in a time when some are loudly demanding religious freedom, but in a way that would impose their beliefs and practices on others while complaining that their rights are being denied. That's not the kind of liberty she is advocating. Instead, as she notes in her introduction "while the Constitution prohibits government-backed religion, it protects the rights of religious individuals and organizations to promote their faith. And rather than undermining faith, the limits the Constitution places on governments' involvement in religion help to preserve faith's integrity and influence" (p. 3). That is the point of the book. Rogers helps us understand how the Constitution and its interpretation have defined the way faith functions in this country, and ways in which religious liberty can be preserved without it impinging on the views of others. Rogers begins the conversation by giving us an introduction to the historical origins of the role of religion in the Constitution. It is important to remember that at the time of the nation's founding most colonies had religious establishments, and yet the Constitution banned religious tests for officeholders, and then further defined limits in the Bill of Rights. The efforts that went into this are detailed in chapter 1. From there we continue the conversation about religion and the Constitution with a discussion of central concepts and cases. Presidents have tended to have religious views, but they are not uniform. Rogers helps us understand the role religion has played, ranging from attending religious services to establishing offices in the White House to create relationships between the Presidency and the faith communities. She offers a chapter on the role of religion in defining policy and politics. There is a chapter on the religious expression on Government property, noting what is allowed and what is not, including religiously oriented holiday displays. Ther is a chapter on the government partnerships with faith-based organizations, which she knows quite well from her work in the Obama administration. There are valuable ways of partnering, but they have to be navigated in a way that protects all parties. The use of federal funds in relationship to faith communities is another related area of concern. In recent years, especially since the SCOTUS decision on same-sex marriage, as well as with regard to the Affordable Care Act, there have been challenging questions regarding religious exemptions. Who is exempt? Religious entities? Businesses? Individuals? These are all discussed. There is another chapter on respecting religious freedom in the workplace -- including accommodation of religious expression. Finally, there is a chapter on religious discrimination and hate crimes. At the end of each chapter Rogers provides a series of recommendations for handling the issues discussed in the chapter. Thus, with regard to the chapter on Religious Expression on Government Property, Rogers offers five recommendations regarding "providing space for faith to flourish, without governmental support or interference. The first recommendation is that government officials should "ensure that the equal access principle is understood and applied." Secondly, "hew closely to Supreme Court guidance on any governmental monuments, displays, or acknowledgments that include religious elements. Third, "remember that bring-line rules on governmental displays, monuments, and acknowledgments are not necessarily better rules." In other words, sometimes complete clarity isn't helpful when it comes to rules. Fourth, "public schools should train administrators and teachers on consensus rules and proactively draft school policy on religious expression in consultation with the full range of stakeholders." Schools needn't be religion-free zones, but there needs to be an understanding of what is appropriate. Finally, "teach about religion." She writes that "we simply cannot understand our nation or our world without understanding religion" (p. 100). Indeed! This is a most important book written by a scholar of church-state relations who has been involved at the deepest levels on multiple sides of the issues. This is her life-work, and it is laid out in ways that can be of great service to the community if we're willing to listen. ...more |
Notes are private!
|
1
|
Nov 25, 2019
|
Dec 19, 2019
|
Nov 25, 2019
|
Hardcover
| ||||||||||||||
| 0802876854
| 9780802876850
| 0802876854
| 4.04
| 26
| Jul 16, 2019
| Jul 16, 2019
|
it was amazing
|
Sometimes books come out at just the right moment. That may be true of this biography of Franklin Roosevelt. At a time when the President of the Unite
Sometimes books come out at just the right moment. That may be true of this biography of Franklin Roosevelt. At a time when the President of the United States displays an utter disregard for the teachings of the Christian faith, even as he garners support from the same community, what might we learn from the life of another President who embodied a very different sense of himself and his faith? To find out, one must read "A Christian and a Democrat." Having read the biography of FDR's wife Eleanor in Eerdman's Religious Biography series, I was, of course, curious about this biography. What might it say about a man who was by all measures ambitious and at times ruthless as a politician? We know from history (and from the biography of Eleanor) that he was a man with many flaws. Yet, according to this biography, when FDR was asked about his political ideology, he declared that he was a "Christian and a Democrat." The question then is, what does this mean? Before getting to that question, which is the subject of the book, I should take note of the author. The primary author was the late John Woolverton, a longtime professor of church history at Virginia Theological Seminary and editor of "Anglican and Episcopal History." It is the latter responsibility that links me to him, as he was the editor when I was submitting articles for publication (and fortunately articles he accepted). For that reason, I wanted to read the book. The book lay unpublished at his death, which is where James Bratt comes in. Bratt is professor emeritus of history at Calvin University, and he took up the project of editing Woolverton's manuscript at the suggestion of David Holmes, a professor at the College of William and Mary (whom I also know). Bratt reduced the text by one quarter and brought things to completion. I am impressed with the work he did to bring the book to publication. Then there is the author of the foreword. You might recognize it as the name of the former head of the FBI. It has been known that Comey was a devotee of Reinhold Niebuhr. It is Woolverton who introduced Niebuhr to Comey as a visiting faculty member at the College of William and Mary. That makes the book all the more intriguing. Roosevelt came from a wealthy and politically connected family, with Theodore Roosevelt being a relative. He was raised with a sense of social responsibility that drew upon his upbringing in the Episcopal Church. Perhaps most influential on his development as a Christian and a Democrat came from the influence of his parents and years spent at Groton School, a boarding school in Massachusetts, where he came under the influence of Endicott Peabody, the headmaster and an Episcopal priest who had a strong Social Gospel bent. Peabody would be a strong influence until well into FDR's presidency. Woolverton speaks of Peabody as FDR's spiritual father, and in many ways, his father, as his own father was much older. The form of Christianity Peabody passed on to FDR was a muscular social Christianity that drew from figures such as Charles Kingsley and Phillips Brooks. Thus the form of Christianity passed on to FDR was a liberal form that welcomed scientific discoveries and sought to address social problems confronting the nation and world. Woolverton notes that part of the ethos of this social gospel Christianity was a positive, happy vision of the future. It envisioned ongoing progress. This is important because at the end of the book Woolverton shares the stories of conversations between FDR and a young Episcopal priest from St. John's Episcopal Church across from the White House, conversations that introduced FDR to Kierkegaard, which helped him better understand his adversary. We learn too of the influence of Eleanor and another woman who would play an important role in his life -- Francis Perkins, who was a leader in the labor movement and a future Secretary of Labor. We learn about the influence of his time at Groton and at Harvard, all of which prepared him for what was to come. All of this forms Part 1 of the Book -- titled Formation. Part 2 of the book is titled "Faith." It's here that we discern the true nature of both FDR's faith and his politics. The first three chapters in this section are titled "Hope," "Charity," and "Faith." These terms are taken from his favorite text -- 1 Corinthians 13. Chapter 4 (the first chapter in the section) deals with FDR's contracting of polio and the realities of the Great Depression. It is the same sense of hope that enabled him to overcome the effects of polio that enabled him to deal with compassion and vision the effects of the Great Depression. He drew upon his faith to face the realities of life with polio, and the two together gave him a sense of compassion for others who faced difficulties (the Great Depression). Chapter five focuses on Charity -- that is love as a social ethic and a political goal. In his understanding of things the good work of charities and social service agencies needed to be aided by the government (at all levels). We see this in the development of programs like the CCC and the WPA. In other words, he believed in the value of work, and if the private sector couldn't provide it the government should. For FDR, charity is to be understood as social mindedness. As Woolverton describes his understanding of charity, it was connected to democracy: "Charity, properly understood, involved fellow feeling and the simple rules of human conduct: justice for the poor, sufficiency for all." (p. 128). As for Faith -- chapter 6 -- Woolverton notes that FDR was at heart a "very simple Christian." That is, he was a deep theological thinker, but he held his beliefs close, and drew from his Christian faith in his governing principles. He drew from the faith passed on to him by his family and by his time at Groton. It was rooted in the Book of Common Prayer and the hymns, he had sung throughout life. As noted in chapter seven, he functioned as "prophet, priest, and President" during the years of World War II. He led a nation that at least until Pearl Harbor was largely isolationist and noninterventionist. How do you prepare for war, without entering into it? During this period he provided leadership that drew upon public prayer, which he found himself leading. Hope, Charity, Faith. These were terms he embraced, along with Jesus teaching on loving one's neighbor. His was an optimistic faith, rooted in the traditions of the Episcopal Church as understood in light of the Social Gospel. In other words, this was a progressive Christian vision. But was it sufficient? Part 3 is titled "Interpretation." The penultimate chapter of the book is fascinating (chapter 8). Titled "Who is Kierkegaard?" It riffs on a series of conversations between FDR and a young priest -- Howard Johnson -- who would later serve on the faculty of Virginia Theological Seminary with Woolverton. This chapter draws on Johnson's recollections of those conversations that occurred at the White House in 1944. Johnson had been working with Walter Lowrie, who was translating Kierkegaard, and thus he was intimately acquainted with the Danish philosopher. During conversations with FDR who was trying to make sense of Hitler, Kierkegaard came up, and the President asked who he was, and that led to conversations about Kierkegaard's more dour view of humanity and the reality of radical evil. What is important here is that these conversations are among the few records of deep theological conversation on the part of the President. In an afterword, Woolverton compares and contrasts Roosevelt with Lincoln and Herbert Hoover. In doing so the author can help us understand Roosevelt's character and motives. I found the section comparing the Episcopalian Roosevelt with the Quaker Hoover. We think of Quakers as pacifists, which they are, but what we see here is the individualism that is present in Quakerism that informed some of Hoover's intransigence on government engagement. He believed strongly in private relief, but not government relief. This chapter is intriguing and worth spending time with. FDR is considered one of America's greatest Presidents. He was a man of ambition, but also compassion (in part fueled by his religious training, but aided as well by his experience with polio). He was wealthy and yet he believed in equality of all, which fueled his social programs. Like most of us, he was complex. He was devout and yet earthy. He had his flaws. He wasn't a deep thinker, but as Woolvertion notes, he knew how to connect the dots. Hoover (an engineer) got caught in the minutiae and couldn't catch the big picture. That was FDR's forte. He understood the big picture, and thus he was a successful President. As noted at the beginning, in light of the current situation, this is a biography that needs to be widely read. We can thank John Woolverton for the foresight to write this manuscript, and for David Holmes and James Bratt for realizing that it needed to be published (even if in an edited version). Being a book for our times, we can heed this word from James Comey, who suggests that if Woolverton was still preaching he might say that "things are a mess, but that only increases the urgency to step into the public square." As we do so, as we approach our fellow Americans, "we must approach them with Christian love and true humility as we try to heal our divisions" (p. viii). ...more |
Notes are private!
|
1
|
Aug 30, 2019
|
Sep 06, 2019
|
Sep 06, 2019
|
Hardcover
| ||||||||||||||
| 0827231679
| 9780827231672
| B07N126HMK
| 4.59
| 37
| unknown
| Feb 12, 2019
|
really liked it
|
Who is Jesus? That is a question for the ages, with multiple answers given. The famous quests for the historical Jesus have often led to a picture tha
Who is Jesus? That is a question for the ages, with multiple answers given. The famous quests for the historical Jesus have often led to a picture that is more reflective of one's own identity than the Jesus who lived in the first century. Nevertheless, it is a fruitful process to seek to offer an answer. Some answers are better than others (at least in my estimation). In the end, we must admit that any answer we give is at best approximate. With that caveat, I approach Derek Penwell's book "Outlandish." The subtitle of the book is rather revealing. Derek, who is a Disciple colleague, invites us to consider a vision of Jesus as "an unlikely Messiah," who engaged in "A Messy Ministry" with a "The call to mobilize." That last phrase might be the most telling, for this is a call for Christians to mobilize for social justice to emulate Jesus. If you want to know the true trajectory of the book, you might want to start by reading the final chapter: "What Do We Do?" This chapter makes sense of what has gone before. Of course, the author left that chapter to the end for a reason, so you might want to start at the beginning and move toward the conclusion, which is that "call to mobilize." Derek's purpose in writing the book, at least as I read it, is to help us understand that Jesus' project was deeply political. By that he means, Jesus took up a prophetic ministry on behalf of the marginalized. In so doing, he gained the wrath of both the religious establishment and the political establishment. In reality, the two were intertwined, but the religious community was Jewish while the political establishment was Roman. The two parties collaborated for their own reasons, but at the expense of the poor and marginalized. Thus, when Jesus proclaimed the Kingdom of God, he was offering a political program. The problem is that Jesus wasn't a very accomplished messiah. He had the opportunity to lead a revolt, but for whatever reason chose not to do so. Jesus, as Derek introduces him to us, wasn't all that good of a teacher (his audience was often left puzzled). he wasn't a great judge of character (look who he surrounded himself with). In other words, if we emulate Jesus, we won't find a model of success. We will instead find one who pushed all the wrong buttons and ended up being crucified by the Romans, who saw him as a political threat. In presenting this vision, Derek draws on people like Richard Horsley, Marcus Borg, and John Dominic Crossan. At points, I resonated with the presentation. At other points, I had my concerns and questions. Over time I've become sensitive to the portrayal of Jews both in the Gospels and in our readings of the texts. One group that has too often been mischaracterized is the Pharisees. At points, Derek drifted toward portrayals of them as uptight and legalistic. I think there is a need for a more nuanced presentation -- perhaps more dialogue with an interpreter such as Amy Jill Levine. Where Derek and I might differ at points isn't so much the political side, but the religious side of the conversation. While Jesus was a prophetic leader, I see more spiritual elements present that Derek seemed to offer. Again, in part, this is due to the purpose of the book, which becomes clear in the end. For some readers, chapter seven will prove challenging. Here Derek deals with the resurrection. He's already made it clear that Jesus didn't die for our sins (penal substitutionary atonement). But what about the resurrection. He notes that many make the physical resurrection the center of the faith -- a la Paul -- but he suggests that the Enlightenment project has called the traditional view into question. The current liberal view is that the resurrection is to be understood metaphorically rather than bodily. Derek seems to take his place there, but he suggests that whether we embrace a metaphorical or bodily view, we would be wise to read it theologically. While I'm a bodily resurrection person (I have my reasons, which I think enhance the justice message, but that's for a different posting), I believe Derek is correct --- "the theological meaning of the resurrection precedes questions of historicity" (p. 119). We should ask what the message of the resurrection is, and that message is "God's big 'no' to the powers and principalities." That is, the resurrection is an act of judgment on those powers and principalities that have resisted God's realm and thus God's vision of justice. With that, Derek suggests that the church "is the embodiment of the resurrection." If the church, as it so often has, fails to embody the resurrection then it is under the judgment of God (as Martin Luther King revealed in his "Letter from the Birmingham Jail." All of this is revealed in the resurrection. That leads to the final chapter, which reveals Derek's vision of the implications of Jesus' ministry -- a ministry that has political, even subversive intent. Here he offers advice to those who might take up the cause of the kingdom of God, noting that such a calling could get you killed or at the very least arrested. So, what do I make of the book? It is a challenging read. It is written with wit that can be biting (but then Jesus was known to do the same). I will admit that as a writer, I am much more sedate! Derek pushes buttons and does so intentionally. Justice is needed. It is the heart of the kingdom. And he aims to make that plain. I might say it differently, and I am probably more "orthodox" theologically than Derek, but on the question of whether the gospel has political implications, I think we're in agreement. ...more |
Notes are private!
|
1
|
Aug 24, 2019
|
Sep 03, 2019
|
Aug 24, 2019
|
Kindle Edition
| ||||||||||||||
| 1641800534
| 9781641800532
| 1641800534
| 4.00
| 1
| unknown
| Jun 04, 2019
|
really liked it
|
With Christians in the United States as polarized as the society at large can we suggest a Christian perspective on politics that might move us past o
With Christians in the United States as polarized as the society at large can we suggest a Christian perspective on politics that might move us past our conflicts and enable us to participate in reforming our politics? I do have my doubts, though I tend to be more optimistic than some. In truth, I do believe that Christians have resources that lend themselves to offering a healing and mediating voice, but it will take courage and wisdom to employ them. With that mixture of realism, optimism, and pessimism, I turn to Harold Heie's book "Reforming American Politics." I have a life-long interest in politics and I'm a pastor, so I've spent much of my life talking about two things that aren't supposed to be brought up in polite company. At the same time, these dual interests put me in a good place to review a book such as this. The author of this book, Harold Heie, is an evangelical Christian who is committed to creating opportunities for respectful conversations about contentious issues among Christians who disagree with each other. He uses a website -- www.respecfulconversation.net to conduct what he calls ecircle discussions. This book is based on conversations initiated on that site. For this particular book, he brought together twenty-three people, in most cases pairing them up to discuss issues that they have given some attention to in other forums. Participants were asked to agree to a set of rules that required them to listen to each other and treat each other respectfully. They were encouraged to be forthright in their statements so that the conversation might prove enlightening. Standing at the core of the conversations is Jesus' call to love one's neighbors, including those with whom one has disagreements. Part One of the book focuses on political discourse. He invites conversation partners to discuss the problem of talking past one another, He invites two people from differing political positions to address the problem of people finding it difficult to listen to each other and finding room for nuance. This leads to a conversation about what it means to love one's neighbor, and finally the question of limits to civil discourse. IN an age when civility isn't always valued, how should we frame our conversations? What limits might there be? Part Two focuses on "The Nature of Politics." There conversations about parties and money. The American system assumes the existence of parties and our system also requires lots of money. So what should be done to bring equity and fairness into the system? These first two sections, all of which involve the author summarizing broader conversations among the participants in his ecircles provide the foundation for discussions of three important and divisive issues of our time. These are immigration, wealth and poverty, and health care. At least in this book, he avoids the other "issue" of our day, and that is human sexuality. Nevertheless, these three issues provide opportunities for us to see if it's possible to have a civil and fruitful conversation among those who differ. One thing I noticed in reading the summaries is that the participants, though they tended to disagree generally didn't represent extremist positions. This might be necessary for any conversation to take place. It does seem as if in this polarized period, it is difficult to take more nuanced positions. You are either on one side or the other, and the river is wide. Part Four offers three case studies of communities engaging in politics of a sort. Two of the studies involve congregations in Kalamazoo, Michigan. One is Mennonite and the other is part of the United Church of Christ. The third is a relief/social justice entity within the Christian Reformed Church. The two congregations differ in their political engagement, though I don't think they're all that different in their orientation. Regarding the CRC effort, it doesn't look, from the study that much different from a mainline church. In the conclusion, Heie attempts to lay out a vision for how Christians can contribute to the reformation of our American politics. He assumes the Christian community has something to offer. He encourages humility and the principle of love of neighbor. To those who suggest that the church and Christians have no responsibilities, he points us to Jesus words in Matthew 25. Concern for the least of these should be our guide. He also addresses the American propensity to individualism. In fact, in the conversation about health care, the "conservative" voice suggested that in our context there is not any real interest in a communal vision that would lead to universal care or a single-payer system. In our culture, there is strong resistance to being required to contribute to the common good. While he's pessimistic and doesn't support a single-payer system, he does see room for improvement. Isn't that a start. One of the principles standing at the center of the book is Heie's belief that both/and solutions are better than either/or. He believes that civil discussion in which we listen to each other may lead to solutions to the challenges of our time. In principle, I agree, though I don't see much interest in either side to reach out and touch one another. Yet, maybe this is the way forward. Thus, the value of the book as it provides a model for conversation if not solutions to all our concerns. ...more |
Notes are private!
|
1
|
Jun 22, 2019
|
Jul 05, 2019
|
Jun 22, 2019
|
Hardcover
| ||||||||||||||
| 0827235437
| 9780827235434
| 0827235437
| 4.18
| 11
| unknown
| May 14, 2019
|
liked it
|
Pursuing justice in the world can be a fulfilling experience, but it can also be frustrating. It always feels as if we move a couple of steps forward,
Pursuing justice in the world can be a fulfilling experience, but it can also be frustrating. It always feels as if we move a couple of steps forward, and then move back three or more steps. The world we live in is filled with injustice. There are so many causes to join that it's easy to become overwhelmed and then maybe a bit cynical. Whether it is immigration, climate change, racism, sexism, heterosexism, economic inequality, there are more causes to join than there are hours in the day. We may feel compelled to act, but then we become paralyzed by the immensity of the problems around us. This is especially true at this moment in history, when the government of the United States is mired in a Constitutional crisis and extremist parties are taking hold around the world. Populism is the name of the game, and the forms it takes tend to be authoritarian. So, what's a person to do as a result? Numerous books have been written, and numerous more books will be written about how to engage in social justice. There will books written that will guide us as to how to root our actions in our spiritual traditions. All of this is good. I've even tried my hand at it myself. Among those who have taken up the gauntlet is Timothy Murphy, a United Church of Christ minister and activist. Writing out of his own experiences as a Christian and activist, Murphy offers us a vision of how we might become engaged and stay engaged. The subtitle of the book catches the drift --- "how to keep going when you want to give up." I know the feeling. He writes from what might be called a realist perspective. He recognizes that when it comes to social justice, winning isn't guaranteed. This uncertainty about victory can paralyze. Murphy wants us to pursue the dream, even though there is no certainty of success. I am in agreement with him on this. Justice has always come in fits and starts. The Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s accomplished much, but the challenges remain. In fact, there is evidence that on some issues, like voting rights, we've been going backwards. While this is true, should we give up? This is a rather brief book -- under 120 pages. It's accessible. That should be expected from a pastor who hopes to preach each Sunday a sermon that connects. That should translate into writing of books. The expectation is that it will be used by groups, as there are discussion questions, along with recommendations for further reading. There is much to like about the book, though at times I wondered if this was a book rooted in the Christian faith or in radical politics. I realize that pursuit of social justice requires a willingness to entertain radical ideas, I'm just not sure that the kingdom of God and democratic socialism are one in the same. That being said, this wasn't the main theme. The book starts with a description of social activism. He notes that the book is written from a progressive vision of church and politics. From that, he notes there are many causes --- the progressive agenda. Knowing that there are so many possibilities, he uses the first chapter to help the reader focus their energies. He lays out some of the challenges and then invites us to consider the kind of activist we might be. He has short quiz that is designed to help us discern our sense of calling. Like most such quizzes, its effectiveness is questionable. I know from experience that writing of quizzes and surveys is fraught with difficulties. Following that chapter, he speaks to some of the issues that call for our attention, so that we might make the impossible possible. He admits to occasionally tilt at windmills in Quixotic activism. The question that faces those engaged in activism concerns whether to pursue visions no matter how unlikely their achievability, or should we pursue something more incremental? He finds incrementalism problematic, but he offers a "case for visionary gradualism," by which he means being strategic. Do we pursue wins or engage in actions that are well-meaning but doomed to failure? I think that Murphy has more radical designs, but understands that without wins we will walk away. At the same time, one should continue to give witness to the long term vision. He offers Jesus as an example. When it comes to the lordship of Jesus, the vision is one of service rather than domination. Hope is found in participating with God in the transformation of the world. He offers a chapter that reflects on the suffering of this world, which involves developing a theodicy and examining what kind of God we believe in. With faithfulness in the midst of suffering (chapter 3), comes a call for "perseverance amidst injustice" (chapter 4). This chapter is a call to walk up from our naivete. It is an invitation to examine our history and ideologies of whiteness. I want to note here that while there is an ideology of whiteness/white supremacy to be opposed, I wonder if there is a way of expressing this that doesn't put up immediate walls of resistance. I don't have an answer or an alternative description, but I do think that some of the rhetoric, though correct, can lead to defensiveness that is counter productive. Otherwise, we may end up preaching to the choir. While Murphy wants to expand the conversation, at points I did feel as if he was writing for the choir. The final chapter addresses the need for the creation/development of communities. We need each other if we are to move forward in hope. That may be all we accomplish, but it may hold the key to long term success. There is a recognition here that many of the problems we face do not have easy solutions. There are many big problems facing us, and we often have only small and inadequate solutions to offer up. Nevertheless, even if the solutions are inadequate, something needs to be done. One thing that stuck out in this final chapter is the need to draw new people and new energy into the efforts. He notes the problem of veteran activists who get frustrated with those who are new to the cause. They make it known that they are not impressed by the "lateness" of these new activists to the table. Where were they earlier on? When such attitudes are on display, people will get discouraged and walk away. Thus, if there is to be hope there must be a more welcoming attitude. With that I agree. I have my quibbles with some of what I find here, but I think for many it will be a helpful word. Theologically, Murphy writes from a Process perspective. While I'm not a Process person myself, I do share the relational vision of Process (I prefer Open Theism). That relational vision comes out in the end with the call to participate with God in pursuing the realm of God, which involves social justice/activism. ...more |
Notes are private!
|
1
|
Apr 30, 2019
|
May 09, 2019
|
Apr 30, 2019
|
Paperback
| ||||||||||||||
| 039958983X
| B079KV32KF
| 4.26
| 15,030
| May 08, 2018
| May 08, 2018
|
really liked it
|
None
|
Notes are private!
|
1
|
Dec 26, 2018
|
Jan 11, 2019
|
Dec 26, 2018
|
Kindle Edition
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
my rating |
|
|
||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
|
| 4.50
|
really liked it
|
Jun 21, 2024
|
Jun 17, 2024
|
|||||
|
| 3.80
|
really liked it
|
Apr 12, 2024
|
Mar 30, 2024
|
|||||
|
| 4.14
|
it was amazing
|
Dec 13, 2023
|
Sep 27, 2023
|
|||||
|
| 3.71
|
really liked it
|
Aug 02, 2023
|
Jul 29, 2023
|
|||||
|
| 4.40
|
it was amazing
|
Jul 24, 2023
|
Jul 02, 2023
|
|||||
|
| 3.00
|
liked it
|
May 08, 2023
|
Apr 29, 2023
|
|||||
|
| 3.68
|
really liked it
|
Aug 19, 2023
|
Nov 06, 2022
|
|||||
|
| 3.96
|
really liked it
|
Oct 29, 2022
not set
|
Oct 29, 2022
|
|||||
|
| 4.80
|
it was amazing
|
Aug 08, 2022
|
Jul 21, 2022
|
|||||
|
| 4.60
|
really liked it
|
Mar 22, 2021
|
Mar 12, 2021
|
|||||
|
| 4.00
|
liked it
|
Feb 20, 2021
|
Feb 18, 2021
|
|||||
|
| 4.33
|
really liked it
|
Dec 19, 2020
|
Dec 15, 2020
|
|||||
|
| 4.10
|
liked it
|
Mar 05, 2020
|
Feb 21, 2020
|
|||||
|
| 4.23
|
it was amazing
|
Jan 23, 2020
|
Jan 10, 2020
|
|||||
|
| 4.25
|
it was amazing
|
Dec 19, 2019
|
Nov 25, 2019
|
|||||
|
| 4.04
|
it was amazing
|
Sep 06, 2019
|
Sep 06, 2019
|
|||||
|
| 4.59
|
really liked it
|
Sep 03, 2019
|
Aug 24, 2019
|
|||||
|
| 4.00
|
really liked it
|
Jul 05, 2019
|
Jun 22, 2019
|
|||||
|
| 4.18
|
liked it
|
May 09, 2019
|
Apr 30, 2019
|
|||||
|
| 4.26
|
really liked it
|
Jan 11, 2019
|
Dec 26, 2018
|
Loading...
