Page 1

i

A Cognitive Psychology

of Mass Communication

The eighth edition of this text remains an indispensable resource for mass communication

psychology and media effects courses.

This book gives readers an in- depth understanding of how media affect our attitudes, thinking,

and behavior. Continuing its academically rigorous yet student- friendly approach to this subject,

the new edition has been thoroughly updated to reflect our current media landscape. Updates

include new research and examples for an increasingly global perspective, an increased focus on

social media, additional graphics, special end- of- chapter application sections, and an expansion

in the list of references to reflect the latest research discussed. The book continues to emphasize

the power of media, including social media, in affecting our perceptions of reality. There is also

a detailed discussion of misinformation, disinformation, and fake news.

Written in an engaging, readable style, the text is appropriate for graduate or undergraduate

students in media psychology, mass communication psychology, and media effects courses.

Accompanying online resources are also available for both students and instructors. For

students: chapter outlines, additional review and discussion questions, useful links, and

suggested further reading. For instructors: lecture slides, guidelines for in- class discussions, a

sample syllabus, chapter summaries, useful links, and suggested further reading. Please visit

www.routle dge.com/ 978036 7713 553.

Fred W. Sanborn is Professor of Psychology at North Carolina Wesleyan University, where he

has received numerous teaching awards. Fred teaches a wide range of psychology courses, his

favorite being Psychology of Mass Communication. He is also the founding director of NCWC’s

Teaching and Learning Center and the assistant director of the Honors Program. Fred received

bachelor’s degrees in Psychology and Psychological Services at Kansas Wesleyan University. He

also earned an M.S. and a Ph.D. in Social and Developmental Psychology from Kansas State

University. Fred has been teaching students about media and psychology for more than 20 years.

Like you, he consumes media every day! Despite decades of studying it, Fred is continually awed,

thrilled, perplexed, and shocked by media.

ii

iii

A Cognitive Psychology

of Mass Communication

Eighth Edition

Fred W. Sanborn

iv

Cover image: � Violeta Stoimenova/ Getty Images

Eighth edition published 2023

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� 2023 Fred W. Sanborn

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accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized

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and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.

First edition published by Lawrence Erlbaum Associates Inc 1989

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Title: A cognitive psychology of mass communication / Fred W. Sanborn.

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DOI: 10.4324/ 9781003154570

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v

To Richard Jackson Harris, the pioneering original author of this book. It

has been a pleasure and an honor to be your student, assistant, colleague,

and friend over these many years. You have been my exemplar of a teacher,

researcher, writer, and caring professional. I hope you will be proud of this

newest edition. I have done my best to carry on your legacy of excellence.

vi

vi

Contents

List of Illustrations

viii

Preface

ix

A Note about Online Resources to Accompany the Book

xii

A Note from Fred W. Sanborn

xiii

Acknowledgments

xiv

1

Mass Communication in Our Digital Society: The Changing Media Landscape

1

2

Research and Theory in Mass Communication: How Are Media Studied

Scientifically?

29

3

The Psychology of Mass Communication: Thinking about Our Media Use

58

4

Emotions and Media: Applications for Music and Sports

80

5

Media Portrayals of Groups: Distorted Social Mirrors

114

6

Advertising: Baiting, Catching, and Reeling Us In

164

7

News: Setting an Agenda about the World

208

8

Politics: Using News and Advertising to Win Elections

255

9

Violence: Media Mayhem Matters

295

10 Sex: Is Tuning In Turning Us On? Sexuality through a Media Lens

335

11 Socially Positive Media: Teaching Good Things to Children (and the Rest of Us)

370

References

408

Index

538

vi

Illustrations

FIGURES

1.1 Television growth in the twentieth century

12

9.1 Desensitization as classical conditioning

309

TABLES

2.1 A comparison of media effects theories discussed in Chapter 2

54

5.1 Percentage of four ethnic groups in U.S. population and as represented in

U.S. TV and film

140

ix

Preface

Today’s traditional college- age students, born in the 2000s, have no memory of life

before the Internet. In their experience, there has always been the capability to post

videos online or to keep track of a favorite celebrity on social media. Photographs,

videos, or information about almost any topic have always been instantly available. They

can’t remember arranging social gatherings without text messages. E- mail (and prob-

ably Facebook) is so last generation, and calling on a phone, especially on one tethered

by a cord when you can’t even text is almost unimaginable. Today’s college students are

as likely to watch a TV show on their computer, phone, or tablet as on a TV set, and

cable or antenna connections are no longer necessary with wireless Internet streaming.

Long gone are VCRs, answering machines, TVs without remotes, and encyclopedias.

Indeed, the media reality of young adults 20 or 30 years ago would be virtually unrec-

ognizable to college students today. To be sure, the world of media, and by extension

entertainment and popular culture, has changed immensely in the last few decades.

Yet, from a broader perspective, such a communications revolution is not entirely

unprecedented. Still photography and telegraphy were transformative in the 1840s,

telephones a few decades later, and cinema starting around 1900. Each of these rad-

ically transformed the way people saw the world and communicated with each other.

The twentieth century saw even more radical changes in media, with radio coming

along in the 1920s and television in the 1950s. Advances accelerated quickly in the

latter part of the century, with home video technology in the 1980s, the Internet in the

1990s, and social media starting around 2000. Looking back, it is amazing to think that

every one of these transformational advances changed our lives within a mere decade

in each case.

A popular movie some years ago, The Truman Show, featured Jim Carrey as Truman

Burbank, a man whose entire life has been a reality television show. Unbeknownst to

him, Truman has been filmed nonstop from birth under a huge movie set bubble that is

his whole world. His eventual discovery of this situation is personally devastating, and

Truman realizes that he can never be the same again. In a sense he is an exaggerated

but apt metaphor for this entire book. Our lives, and all that we know, are far more

heavily influenced by the media than most of us realize, even if our whole lives are not

completely reducible to a reality TV show. Although by reading this book, you will

not, like Truman, find out that you have no identity except as an entertainment figure,

you may discover that a surprising amount of what you know and how you behave is a

direct product of your lifelong interaction with television, radio, print, and computer-

mediated communications (CMC). In any event, you will probably never look at media

the same way again! At least that is the hope.

Some real people are almost as much media creations as the Truman Burbank

character. In recent years, there have been certain individuals who have received exten-

sive media coverage more because they were celebrities than because of any artistic,

PREFACE

x |

x

athletic, scientific, or other accomplishments. Think of the Kardashians or the latest

social media influencer. Maybe even think of former president Donald Trump. Well-

known people become part of our consciousness, even if we never meet them in

person, and we can grow to love or loathe people we only know through electronic

screens. People around the world cried over the deaths of Britain’s Princess Diana in

1997, Michael Jackson in 2009, and Prince in 2016. Those were not fake tears; the loss

was real. These deaths were a true personal loss for millions of people who had only

known the deceased as friends through the media.

This is the eighth edition of this text and much has necessarily changed since its

inception more than 30 years ago. Seldom does the content of a textbook become obso-

lete so fast as when it deals with the media. Probably the major change overall in this

edition has been the addition of much new material on computer- mediated commu-

nication, especially social media. This has also necessitated an extensive discussion of

misinformation, disinformation, and fake news, which are intricately linked with social

media. It is incredible to think that as recently as 2003, Facebook, YouTube, and cell

phones with Internet capabilities did not even exist. Indeed, the whole media landscape

has radically changed in the last 10 years alone. As an author, I always shudder to think

how much it will change in the next 5 years, and how obsolete and inadequate the

words I have just written may be by the time you read this book.

Although I have updated examples and research throughout, there has also been

a conscious effort to avoid the pitfall of creating an entirely ahistorical work. I firmly

believe that we can only understand the present and the future by understanding the

past, so I have retained some particularly cogent and informative historical examples. If

you can’t relate to some of these, ask your parents, grandparents, or professors for more

information. They will remember and will be glad to tell you about them.

Beyond the obvious updating, I have introduced some new features in this edition.

There are a few new tables and graphics this time, as well as new review and discussion

questions that can be accessed on the book’s companion website. The Close- up boxes

also include new reflection questions that may help you process the content therein. In

addition, I have tried to be more explicit in defining terminology, some of which can

seem confusing, especially if you have not previously studied both psychology and mass

communication. Key terms are also now bolded within the text for easier reference.

A few key areas of expansion in this edition include a more detailed discussion of

parasocial media relationships in Chapter 3; advertising in new places in Chapter 6;

fake news, disinformation, and misinformation in Chapter 7; the interaction of social

media and politics in Chapter 8; and the impact of racial and social justice movements

on media throughout the book. New sections include a discussion of counteracting

news media fear in Chapter 7 and media coverage of Donald Trump as a politician in

Chapter 8.

A large percentage of the references in this edition are from the second and third

decades of the twenty- first century, a strong testimony to the impressive volume of

quality research currently being done on media issues. Nevertheless, references to some

important studies from previous decades remain. In this process, I have to continually

remind myself that I cannot read and include everything that has been written on the

subject of media. If I have omitted some of your favorites, forgive me; the amount of

research and scholarly literature on the media is staggering.

Although overall the book has a cognitive perspective, I think you will find the

book quite eclectic theoretically, as I believe it needs to be. Chapter 2 reviews the major

PREFACE

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xi

theories that have been used to study mass communication, and these are all referred

to throughout the text. I believe that each has something of value to offer, most of them

being more useful in some areas than others. I would also argue that most theories of

media effects have a strong cognitive component, which I have tried to highlight on

these pages.

My hope is that you enjoy reading this book as much as I have enjoyed writing it.

I hope it will be both a source of great pleasure and much learning. It may amuse you

in places and will probably disturb you in others, but I hope it will always be interesting

and relevant to your life. Students and teachers, please send me your comments and

suggestions. You can reach me by e- mail at fwsanborn@ncwc.edu. Your reactions are

always helpful in improving the book in future editions. Also, please feel free to send

interesting examples to illustrate the principles discussed; maybe I can use them in the

next edition.

xi

A Note about Online Resources to

Accompany the Book

To assist instructors with planning and administering their courses, the author has

provided the following resources, available on the publisher’s website:

●

Lecture slides

●

Guidelines for in- class discussions

●

Sample syllabus

●

Chapter summaries

●

Useful links and suggested further reading.

Instructors may also find it useful to direct their students to resources to assist in their

review of the material:

●

Chapter outlines

●

Additional review and discussion questions

●

Useful links and suggested further reading

●

To access all these resources, please visit www.routle dge.com/ 978036 7713 553 and

follow the link under Support Material.

xi

A Note from Fred W. Sanborn

I must admit that I didn’t know much about the study of mass communication and

psychology until I was assigned to be Richard Harris’s teaching assistant early in my

graduate school career. I had signed on to graduate school at Kansas State University

to study Social and Developmental Psychology, which I loved and still do. However,

when I learned that I could also study psychology in relation to media, which had

fascinated, provoked, and entertained me my entire life, I was smitten. When I learned

that Richard, the original author of this book, was a media psychology scholar, I was

thrilled. Like many others, media has been a large part of my life since I was very

young. As a child, television in particular was a window on the world for me, allowing

for “encounters” beyond my own narrow set of experiences. Even now, when seeing

something new in person, I sometimes catch myself thinking, “It’s just like on TV!”

Somewhere along the line in my experience with mass communication, I realized that

media was indeed creating a reality for me and others. Understanding this “reality” is

the focus of this book and the work that I have done in writing it.

I moved on from being Richard’s teaching assistant to eventually conducting

research in the area of psychology and mass communication and teaching my own

classes on the topic. When I received an appointment at North Carolina Wesleyan

University, I found that Psychology of Mass Communication blended beautifully with

the Psychology Department’s senior capstone course because it integrated many areas

of psychology (cognitive, social, developmental, among others) and had the added

benefit of engaging students in a topic that affected their lives every day. I now teach

a standalone course in Media Psychology, which necessarily changes each time it is

taught. The students on that course, who are also readers of this book, are always great

partners in my continued exploration of the psychological power of media.

xiv

Acknowledgments

I am especially grateful to my husband and partner, Tony Hefner, who is also my

favorite media consumption partner. Thank you, Tony, for listening, advising, and

calming through all aspects of writing this book— and through all aspects of life. I also

thank my parents, John and Lyna Sanborn, for being my first media teachers. Finally,

I would like to thank all of the many students who have taken my Psychology of Mass

Communication or Senior Seminar in Psychology/ Media Psychology course since

1999. You have contributed in countless ways to my passion for this topic and desire

to understand it better. Special thanks go to former students Angela Groeneveld and

Joseph Lloyd, who have helped tremendously with the reference section of this book.

1

DOI: 10.4324/9781003154570-1

Chapter 1

Mass Communication in Our Digital Society

The Changing Media Landscape

Q: How did a 3- year- old boy start making tens of millions of dollars online?

A: With the help of his parents, Ryan Kaji, a YouTube influencer, created Ryan’s World, a channel

where he reviews toys and posts other content. Ryan’s videos became so popular that for several

years running, he and his family have made more money through advertising revenue than any

other YouTube creators. The family has subsequently struck merchandising and endorsement

deals with Walmart, Target, Amazon, Nickelodeon, and Skechers (Shaw & Bergen, 2021).

Q: Why did TV viewers see images of the White House surrounded by terrorists accompanied by

emergency alert audio stating, “this is not a test”?

A: Viewers were seeing a commercial for the film Olympus Has Fallen. The ad was so similar

to a real Emergency Alert System warning that the Federal Communications Commission lev-

eled millions of dollars’ worth of fines against broadcasters such as NBCUniversal, Viacom, and

ESPN, which all aired the ad (Wyatt, 2014).

Q: How much material is there on the World Wide Web?

A: No one quite knows for sure. One 2021 estimate indicated that there were at least 4.6 billion

indexed web pages, a number which excludes much of the activity on social media apps such as

Twitter and Facebook (“The Size of the World Wide Web,” 2021). In fact, the growth of the web has

been so rapid that the number of available web addresses dwindled from more than 1 billion in

2006 to 117 million in 2010, forcing a new Internet protocol addressing system to be developed

(Worthen & Tuna, 2011).

Q: Is there a place in the continental United States where you could get away from your cell phone

and Wi- Fi?

A: Of course, there are plenty of places where cell phone coverage is spotty, and anyone can

simply turn off their phone whenever they choose. But there is at least one place where cell

phone service and Wi- Fi are intentionally unavailable. It’s Green Bank, West Virginia, home to the

Green Bank Observatory, which houses large radio telescope equipment that is very sensitive to

radio waves, including Wi- Fi and cellular signals. The only Internet service available in the area

must be hard wired through a landline into a computer, much like the early days of the World Wide

Web (Levin, 2020).

MASS COMMUNICATION IN OUR DIGITAL SOCIETY

2 |

2

In 1969, a young news reporter from the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) was

sent to cover the Vietnam War. Not being very experienced or knowledgeable about

what he was observing, he led off his first televised report of an American attack on a

Vietcong stronghold with, “My God! It’s just like watching television” (Bogart, 1980).

In 2001, 13- year- old Jason Lind of Torrington, CT, was hospitalized with second-

and third- degree burns after he and a friend poured gasoline on Jason’s feet and legs

and set him on fire, in imitation of a “human barbecue” stunt seen on MTV’s popular

show Jackass.

Model Pixee Fox, who has about half a million followers on Instagram, has had

more than 200 plastic surgeries. These include bone surgery on her jaw to make it

smaller and having six ribs removed. Why would she do such things? To look more like

movie cartoon characters Jessica Rabbit, Tinkerbell, and Aurora from Sleeping Beauty

(Mazziotta, 2018; Rose, 2015).

In the wake of the 2016 U.S. presidential election, Edgar M. Welch of Salisbury, NC,

drove 350 miles to a pizza restaurant in Washington, DC. Once there, he fired an assault

rifle. Although he didn’t hit anyone, Welch said he was taking it upon himself to inves-

tigate a child sex- slave ring allegedly connected to Hillary Clinton. Welch believed this

false conspiracy as a result of fake news stories that were circulating on social media

sites like Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram. “I just wanted to do some good and went

about it the wrong way,” Welch later said (Goldman, 2016, para. 2).

In different ways, these examples suggest the main theme of this book: that our

experience with media is a major way in which we acquire knowledge about the

world. How we act on this knowledge then has consequences in terms of attitudes

and behavior. We may call this a cognitive approach to mass communication because

the emphasis is on the way that our minds create knowledge, a mental reality, about

the world constructed from our experience with the media. This mental reality then

becomes the basis for developing our attitudes and motivating our behaviors and thus

has a great impact on our lives. Instead of the media being a more or less accurate

reflection of some external reality, it has become the reality against which the real world

is compared. The media view of the world has become, in many cases, more real than

the real world itself!

Before we go much further with our discussion of media, we should clarify some

terminology that sometimes can get confusing. First, the media is a collective term that

generally refers to content which is produced for many people to consume (i.e., to see,

read, and/ or listen to), such as news. The New York Times, Fox News, and HuffPost are

all part of the media, specifically the news media. In contrast, a medium is one form of

the media. For example, The Washington Post is one newspaper medium. You can think

of a medium as being a messenger or go- between; thus, The Washington Post, including

its print editions and web content, is a medium or go- between connecting the writers

who create stories with the readers who consume them. Media, then, is the plural noun

meaning more than one medium. Twitter is a social medium, but when we talk about

social media, we are also including other platforms such as Instagram and TikTok.

MASS COMMUNICATION IN OUR LIVES

The media focus of this book is mass communication. Mass communication in the

form of print media has been with us almost since Gutenberg’s invention of movable

MASS COMMUNICATION IN OUR DIGITAL SOCIETY

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3

type and the printing press in 1456. However, the nature of mass communication,

indeed of life in general, was radically changed in the twentieth century by the rapid

penetration of electronic media, starting with feature films in the early 1900s, followed

by radio in the 1920s, television in the 1950s, video and cable technology in the 1980s,

the Internet in the 1990s, and social media starting around 2000. Television in par-

ticular has transformed the day- to- day life of more people in the last 60 or 70 years

than has perhaps any invention in human history. Radio and print media have been

greatly changed, though by no means replaced, by TV as well. Computer- mediated

communications like social media have arguably eclipsed television in transforming

society, although TV is still very influential, and in many ways, TV and the Internet

have now merged.

Americans spend more time watching television than doing anything else except

working and sleeping, though Internet use is catching up fast, especially among youth

(Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2019; Kaiser Family Foundation, 2010; Nielsen Company,

2021). The lines between Internet and television are also increasingly blurred, with

many people receiving a large portion of their television content via online streaming

services (Koblin, 2021b; Raine, 2021). Nevertheless, every week, residents of the United

States spend about 20 of their average 36 hours of free time in front of a screen watching

television content, making TV by far the most popular leisure activity (Bureau of Labor

Statistics, 2019; Nielsen Company, 2021; Roberts, 2000). All other sources of leisure,

such as spending time with friends, helping others, reading books, playing sports,

and taking vacations, lag far behind. Besides changing the way in which we spend our

time, media have also revolutionized the way we think and the way we view the world.

The Internet and its various computer- mediated communication modes are currently

revolutionizing our lives. The many effects of media on our perception and our cogni-

tion are particular emphases of this book. The media are not only the magic windows

through which we view the world, but also the doors through which ideas enter our

minds as we interact with them.

Media are far more than mere conduits of knowledge, although that role is not a

trivial one. We have come a long way from Gutenberg to the millions of newspapers,

magazines, television channels, radio stations, websites, and social media posts in the

world today. To prepare to look at the effects of all of this, in this chapter we introduce

the concept of mass communication and look at our use of the media from a cognitive

psychological perspective.

Today no place on earth is beyond the reach of mass media. For political reasons,

South Africa was for a long time the last large nation without TV, holding out until

1976 (Mutz et al., 1993). The remote Cook Islands (1989), Fiji (1995), and St. Helena

(1995) were among the last nations to welcome TV and the Internet (Wheeler,

2001), and the isolated mountainous Himalayan kingdom of Bhutan may have been

the very last to receive television and the Internet, finally becoming wired to both

in 1999. Still, even today, there are many poor people in developing nations and

rural areas and those who live in places with heavy censorship (like North Korea)

who find it nearly impossible to truly access the Internet or a full range of television

content.

In the 1970s, a unique study was done in Canada to assess the effects of the intro-

duction of television. Three towns in eastern British Columbia were very similar except

for the fact that one (“Multitel”) received several Canadian and U.S. TV channels,

another (“Unitel”) received only one channel, and the third, because of its particular

MASS COMMUNICATION IN OUR DIGITAL SOCIETY

4 |

4

isolated valley location, received no television signals (“Notel”). This study compared

children and adults in the three towns before and after television was finally introduced

to Notel. For example, children’s creativity scores were higher before TV in Notel than

in either (1) the other towns before TV or (2) any of the three towns after TV. See

Macbeth (1996) for a summary of the findings and Williams (1986) for a collection of

papers reporting the results of this research in more detail. For a similar examination

in a smaller place, see Charlton and colleagues (2002) for a study of the effects of the

introduction of television to the remote South Atlantic island of St. Helena in 1995.

These will probably be the last studies of that sort which can ever be done because no

such TV- less (or Internet- less) places still exist.

WHAT IS MASS COMMUNICATION?

What makes mass communication “mass”? First, unlike interpersonal communica-

tion, the audience of mass communication is large, mostly anonymous, and often very

heterogeneous (Wright, 1986). With the advent of the Internet and its many different

media choices, mass communication audiences for any particular mass communica-

tion message may not be as large as they once were, but the goal is still to reach as many

people as possible (Turow, 2020). Second, large audiences are pursued using a process

by which communication sources (like a TV network) originate a message (like a TV

show) that is then communicated to masses of people (like a TV audience) by means

of some form of technology (like broadcast, cable, or streaming TV services) (DeFleur,

2010; Turow, 2020). Third, communication sources are institutional and organizational,

meaning they are part of an industry (Turow, 2020; Wright, 1986). Some communica-

tion sources such as television networks, streaming platforms, movie studios, or the

conglomerates that own such businesses (and their accompanying websites) are among

the largest and wealthiest corporations in the world. Fourth, and perhaps most import-

antly, the basic economic function of most media in most nations is to attract and hold

as large an audience as possible for advertisers (Wright, 1986). In one way or another,

advertising pays a very high percentage of the costs of newspapers, magazines, local TV

and radio stations, television networks and cable channels, and the Internet, including

social media. Even public television and government- subsidized networks like the

Public Broadcasting Service (PBS), Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC), or the

British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) are increasingly dependent on commercial

revenues.

The history of the term mass communication itself is also an interesting one. In

a historical, political, and cultural examination of the use of the term in research,

Simonson and colleagues (2019) identify the term as distinctly and originally

American, emerging after World War II. They also argue that other cultures have not

as readily adopted the term as have those in the West. To be sure, the language of

communication research can be confusing at times. For a discussion of the differences

between interpersonal communication, mass communication, and mediated commu-

nication, see Close- up 1.1.

MASS COMMUNICATION IN OUR DIGITAL SOCIETY

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5

❖ CLOSE- UP 1.1 THE BLURRY LINES OF MODERN COMMUNICATION:

INTERPERSONAL, MASS, OR MEDIATED MESSAGES?

As discussed elsewhere in this chapter, one of the goals of mass communication is to reach

a large audience. In contrast, interpersonal communication has traditionally been thought

of as communication between two people, like friends having a conversation (Perloff, 2015a),

or sometimes as between one person communicating to a group, like a professor delivering

an interactive lecture to a class; the key to interpersonal communication seems to be inter-

action. In addition, interpersonal communication has been customarily thought of as taking

place face- to- face rather than through means such as texting or talking on the phone (Turow,

2020). But what about celebrities who have huge social media followings like Katy Perry and

Rihanna, each with more than 100 million Twitter followers (Boyd, 2021)? Or politicians like

Barack Obama, who also have tens of millions who follow their every tweet? Such individuals

frequently use their social media platforms to reach a vast audience. In fact, that is often the

point, as when Beyonc� chose Instagram to announce her new album in 2013 (Sisario, 2013)

and her pregnancy in 2017 (Coscarelli, 2017), knowing that the messages would get lots of

buzz, including coverage by more traditional media outlets.

In a thoughtful examination of the intersection of old and new media forms, Perloff (2015a)

argues that interpersonal communication now may include one person using social media

to deliver a message to others, if there is some interaction among individuals such as when

a celebrity tweets, followers comment, and the celebrity then posts follow- up comments.

Mass communication, then, can be thought of as when messages emanate from traditional

organizations (such as cable news channels) that have established avenues for reaching a

large audience. Finally, mediated communication involves “any social or technological pro-

cedure or device that is used for the selection, transmission, and reception of information”

(Altheide, 2013, as cited in Perloff, 2015a). This kind of communication would include simple

interactions like your aunt sending you a birthday card in the mail, two friends texting back

and forth, or someone calling their grandmother on the phone (Turow, 2020); because there

is interaction, this mediated communication would also be interpersonal. In addition, most, if

not all, forms of social media are mediated communication (which might also be considered

interpersonal mediated communication if social interaction occurs on the social media plat-

form as discussed above). Confused? So are some scholars. Perloff also points out that not all

communication researchers agree on such distinctions and that things get increasingly cloudy

when one considers that a great deal of mediated communication (i.e., social media) includes

information that originates with mass communication outlets (i.e., reports from traditional

sources such as newspapers, cable news channels, and TV networks that are posted online).

❖ CLOSE- UP REFLECTION QUESTIONS:

1. Can you find an actual example of a message that qualifies as mass, mediated, and

interpersonal communication?

2. What kinds of posts have you seen on social media that might have been intended

for a mass audience beyond that social media platform?

3. On a typical day, how much of your interpersonal communication is mediated? How

much is not mediated? Has the amount of your mediated interpersonal communi-

cation changed throughout your life?

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Despite some within the industry espousing high- sounding rhetoric about serving the

public, the bottom line of commercial mass media is money, which mostly comes from

advertisers at rates directly determined by the audience size and composition. The size

of the audience in turn determines the content. Thus, there is tremendous pressure for

media to be as entertaining as possible to as many people as possible. This imperative

to entertain also holds for non- entertainment content like news, sports, or advertising.

All of this is not to say that editors and programmers are not concerned about respon-

sibly meeting the needs of the public. In many cases, they are, but such needs must

necessarily be considered within the constraints of the economic realities of the media

industry. If there is no audience, there is no money to support even the best program-

ming. This is true at both the national and local levels, with local media outlets often as

concerned as, or more so than, national sources about ratings, subscriber numbers, and

the number of Internet hits or likes.

Often, economic pressures, and sometimes political and ideological ones as

well, influence the content of media. For example, magazines that accept tobacco

advertisements have printed fewer stories about the health risks of smoking than those

that had no cigarette ads (Lee & Solomon, 1991; Strasburger & Wilson, 2002). NBC

News reportedly shut down a story about movie mogul Harvey Weinstein abusing and

assaulting women because it feared similar allegations would surface about Matt Lauer,

one of the network’s star anchors (Farrow, 2020; McHugh, 2019). The ABC television

network, which is owned by Disney, has killed news stories reflecting negatively on

Disney theme parks (Steyer, 2002). Indeed, with more and more media mergers (as

when cable company Comcast purchased broadcast company NBC, which had pre-

viously purchased movie company Universal Studios and cable channels such as USA

Network), it has become increasingly difficult for media consumers to know how the

corporate sources of their media may (or may not) be influencing media content.

Incidentally, media content standards change: 60 years ago, we did not hear the

words “damn,” “hell,” or even “pregnant,” although we might have heard “wetback,”

“jap,” and other highly inflammatory ethnic slurs in the early days of radio or TV.

Real or feared reaction from advertisers is another subtle source of self- censorship.

Television networks and stations are loath to risk offending those who pay the bills for

their livelihood.

Advertisers occasionally threaten to withdraw their ads in protest. In 1979 General

Electric was unhappy with ABC’s Barbara Walters’s plans to interview Jane Fonda

about her antinuclear activism and pulled their ads in protest. However, ABC still aired

the interview. Advertisers with many products to sell (and accompanying ad budgets)

may hold influence that many of us don’t realize. According to Gloria Steinem, co-

founder of Ms. magazine, Procter and Gamble (maker of many, many familiar house-

hold consumer products) even issued an edict to publishers of women’s magazines that

“its products were not to be placed in any issue that included any material on gun con-

trol, abortion, the occult, cults, or the disparagement of religion” (Steinem, 1990, p. 26).

With the advent of online advertising, advertisers are also calling the shots on where

their ads appear online. In a practice known as blacklisting, companies can buy adver-

tising on news sites but dictate key words in stories or headlines that must be avoided

near their ads (Slefo, 2020). For example, Fidelity Investments won’t allow the words

“bomb,” “immigration,” “racism,” or “Trump” to appear anywhere near its advertising.

Companies like Colgate- Palmolive, Subway, and McDonald’s have similar stipulations

(Vranica, 2019). Even “coronavirus” has been blacklisted by some companies (Haggin &

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Patel, 2020). You can imagine the challenge for advertising revenue- dependent news

sites in being able to report news of consequence with these kinds of restrictions

in place.

Concern over public reaction may be another source of self- censorship. All but

one U.S. commercial network once refused to run an anti- smoking public service

announcement (PSA) that showed a fetus smoking a cigarette in the womb. In 2005

all U.S. networks but the History Channel refused to run a PSA by the United Nations

Mine Agency. This showed suburban schoolgirls playing soccer when a landmine sud-

denly blows up, followed by screaming and a man carrying his daughter’s lifeless body,

and then a dark screen with the words, “If there were land mines here, would you

stand for them anywhere?” (Huus, 2005). In a strange turnabout of television stations

censoring a network, about half of NBC affiliates refused to air a reunion special for

the show 30 Rock in 2020 because it heavily promoted NBC’s new Peacock streaming

service (Adalian, 2020a).

In addition to its mass nature, there is also “communication” in mass commu-

nication. In all communication there is a reciprocity that necessitates some kind of

response from the audience. Even though the media user, especially the TV viewer, is

often characterized as extremely passive, mindlessly absorbing the program content,

such a picture is far from accurate. Although the meaning of a particular program cer-

tainly depends on the content of that program, it also depends on what is in the mind

and experience of the viewer. A TV movie dealing with rape will have a very different

effect on— indeed, a different meaning for— a viewer who has herself been a rape victim

than for someone else with no such personal experience. A violent pornographic web-

site may incite one man to sexual violence because of the way his mind interprets and

interacts with the content of the video, whereas another man who sees the same video

may be repulsed by it, showing no sexual arousal or antisocial behavioral response (see

Close- up 1.2 for a discussion of movie ratings related to sex and violence).

❖ CLOSE- UP 1.2 THE MPAA RATINGS: DOES SEX OR VIOLENCE

CARRY MORE WEIGHT?

Ever since their introduction in 1968, the Motion Picture Association of America’s (MPAA)

ratings for movies have been controversial. The ratings have usually been made by 10 to 13

people on a board called the Classification and Ratings Administration. Although the raters

are said to be parents, their identities are typically kept secret. The chair is the only publicly

known member, and he or she hires all the others (Dick, 2006). Over the years, there have

been some adjustments to the ratings categories, most notably the addition of the PG- 13

category in 1984 and the replacement of the pornography- tainted label of X by NC- 17 (no one

under 17 admitted) in 1990. The ratings are made based on violence, sex, nudity, language,

and thematic content, although the specific rating criteria have never been made public and

are not always applied consistently. For example, some movie studios like Disney seem to be

given more leniency than others when ratings are assigned (Bahr, 2021). Interestingly, des-

pite the range of ratings available, about 60% of films submitted are rated R, almost none

NC- 17, and very few G (McClintock, 2018b).

Movie executives seem to generally have a sense of how far they can push to get a specific

rating. For example, when the Fifty Shades of Grey books were made into films, things like

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the amount of hip thrusting and oral sex depicted were carefully taken into account so as

to avoid the dreaded NC- 17 rating (Abrams, 2018). Sometimes a rating is negotiable; there

have been times when a movie studio has appealed an R rating or removed or edited an

offending scene to obtain the PG- 13 rating. The latter rating is often considered the com-

mercially most desirable since it excludes very few and does not have the “kiddie movie”

stigma of G and even PG movies. There is a widespread belief that many films that previously

would have been rated R are now PG- 13, and many PG films would have been PG- 13 some

years ago. Not every movie receives an MPAA rating, either— only those that are submitted

for review. Thus, many independent and foreign movies are labeled NR, or “not rated.”

One specific continuing controversy concerns the relative weighting of the different factors,

particularly sex and violence. Although the MPAA denies it, there is good reason to believe that

profanity, nudity, and especially sexual content carry greater weight than violence. Indeed,

many PG and even G movies contain considerable amounts of violence, while a scene with

partial nudity may earn a film a PG- 13 rating. Leone (2002) provided some empirical support

for this by finding that scenes present in an NC- 17 or unrated versions of a film, but removed

from the commercially released R- rated version, were more sexually explicit and graphic

than they were violently explicit and graphic. In addition, four times as many films are rated

NC- 17 for sex than for violence (Dick, 2006), and the amount of violent content allowed in PG-

13 movies appears to have grown over the past 15– 20 years (Romer et al., 2017).

In the final analysis, parents must use the movie ratings as one element of their own parental

mediation. For one thing, streaming services like Netflix, Amazon Prime, and Hulu have not

always been consistent in making movies’ MPAA ratings available. It is also important to look

not only at the rating but what it is for (many parental websites and some film reviews give

this information). There may be an occasional R- rated movie you would want your 12- year-

old to see and some PG- 13 movies you wouldn’t want your older child to see.

For additional discussion of MPAA ratings related to sex and violence, see Chapters 9 and 10,

including a discussion of the era before these ratings in Close- up 10.1.

❖ CLOSE- UP REFLECTION QUESTIONS:

1. Growing up, how aware do you think you and your parents were of the MPAA ratings

of movies that you saw? How useful do you think these ratings would be (or are they

now) in selecting movies for your own children?

2. Some critics have argued that because of inconsistencies in ratings across different

movies, the MPAA ratings are essentially useless. What is your opinion?

3. Can you think of a better system than the MPAA ratings that could help parents and

others evaluate the appropriateness of a movie?

The nature of the media consumption experience must also be considered. Watching

television, going to the movies, or listening to the radio may be done alone or in small

groups. Using the Internet or listening to a podcast are typically, though not always,

solo activities. The social situation of who else is watching, listening, or reading and

how they react greatly affects the media consumption experience. Consider the diffe-

rence between watching an exciting ball game alone, with a group of friends, or with a

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group rooting for the other team. Your enjoyment and the level of fear you feel while

watching a horror film can be affected by whether someone who is watching with

you shrieks in fun, cries in severe distress, laughs, or makes no obvious reaction at all

(Zillmann & Weaver, 1996). In one study looking at anticipated enjoyment of watching

different types of movies with different viewers, college students found that watching

a sexual R- rated movie with their parents was by far the most uncomfortable combin-

ation (Harris & Cook, 2011). Similarly, within families, television may either promote

family harmony and interaction or be a divisive force, depending on how it is used

(Bryant & Bryant, 2001).

THE MEDIA OF MASS COMMUNICATION

Through the years, various forms of media have emerged as technology has advanced

in delivering mass communication. One distinction that is often made is print media

(newspapers and magazines) versus electronic media (film, radio, television, Internet).

Another classification is traditional (or “old,” or “legacy”) media such as newspapers,

magazines, radio, movies, and television versus new media, which are online, on-

demand, and interactive (Giobbi, 2014; Manovich, 2002). Of course, these days such

distinctions have become increasingly blurred, as when readers view a newspaper art-

icle online and share it on Facebook or when television viewers live stream a show and

comment on that program via Twitter.

Now let us turn to how various forms of media have been used for the purposes of

mass communication and how we tend to use those media.

Newspapers

Arguably the earliest form of mass communication, newspapers, at least in a primitive

form, began soon after the introduction of the printing press in the 1450s (Giobbi,

2014). In the United States, the heyday of newspapers (in terms of prestige and revenue)

was the mid to late twentieth century. Circulation of daily newspapers in the United

States has been falling for many years, down from 62.3 million in 1990 to 28.6 million

in 2018 (Pew Research Center, 2019). However, newspapers have seen growth in online

readership and subscriptions in recent years, particularly with those who read content

on mobile devices (Pew Research Center, 2019). Still, newspapers have also taken a

huge financial hit in the past 20 years or so with decreased advertising revenue. This

is especially true of the once lucrative classified advertising market, which has largely

moved online with free services such as Craigslist. This decreased revenue has resulted

in fewer and fewer newspaper employees industry- wide, with newsrooms hit especially

hard (Pew Research Center, 2016, 2019).

Although a few big- city newspapers like The Washington Post and Los Angeles

Times have benefitted from ownership by deep- pocketed billionaires, most newspapers

have withered in recent years. In fact, several newspaper empires like the McClatchy

Company (owner of many papers including the Miami Herald and Fort Worth Star-

Telegram) and Tribune Publishing (Chicago Tribune, Orlando Sentinel, and others) went

bankrupt and were sold to hedge fund groups with an eye to further cutting of staffing

and expenses to increase shareholder profit. In a series of mergers, Gannett (publisher

of USA Today) became the owner of more than 500 U.S. newspapers, or one out of six

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in the country (Hendrickson, 2019). Smaller newspapers have fared even worse. In one

estimate, between 2004 and 2020, 25% of the newspapers in the United States ceased to

exist, most of these being weekly papers and those in small communities (Abernathy,

2020). In general, about 100 newspapers a year have been vanishing, but the corona-

virus pandemic seems to have accelerated that rate (Hare, 2021).

What has been the result of this destruction of the newspaper industry? According

to Abernathy (2020), it has created many news deserts where local news is sparse or

non- existent. This is especially prevalent in poor communities, where many local com-

panies who previously advertised have gone out of business and readers can no longer

afford or are no longer interested in a newspaper subscription. Even in places where

newspapers have been able to hang on due to the kinds of mergers described earlier,

many papers are a shell of their former selves, publishing mostly syndicated state or

national news (Abernathy, 2020; Takenaga, 2019).

What makes the loss of newspapers even more damaging is the fact that trad-

itionally, more than television or magazines, newspapers have had a local identity and

traditionally have been the preeminent source for local news, advertising, and sports.

In fact, sports sections tend to be the most read parts of newspapers. In the United

States, newspapers are almost totally regional, with the important exceptions of The

New York Times, The Wall Street Journal, and USA Today, although large national papers

are the rule in many nations (e.g., The Guardian or The Times in the UK, Le Monde

in France).

Demographically, groups who read more newspaper content tend to be those who

watch the least TV: those who are older, White, better educated, and of a higher socio-

economic status. Newspaper readers like to keep up on the news. They are more likely

than non- readers to also view TV and news online. Those who consume news usually

use multiple sources; alternatively, those who do not read newspapers usually do not

watch TV news either (Pew Research Center, 2011, 2016; Shearer, 2018).

Magazines

Print magazines are the most narrowly targeted of the traditional media, having become

increasingly so after an earlier period of popular general- interest magazines (e.g., Life,

Look) ended in the 1960s. At the industry’s height, 11,000 magazines were published

in the United States in the mid- 1990s (Wilson & Wilson, 1998), mostly devoted to

special interests. Since that time, however, traditional national weekly news magazines

have suffered. By 2011, U.S. News & World Report had abandoned its print version,

and Newsweek was sold by The Washington Post Company for $1 and the assumption

of its debt, resulting in the end of the print edition, with the online version a shadow

of the magazine’s former self (Oremus, 2018). In a parallel to the struggling newspaper

industry, the Internet also took advertising revenue and subscribers from many glossy

print magazines like Vanity Fair and Rolling Stone, which began to cut costs and sell

off assets (Ember & Grynbaum, 2017). Interestingly, however, smaller print magazines

focusing on things like recipes and home renovation have fared much better, particu-

larly during the coronavirus pandemic, when people may have needed an alternative to

the negative news available nonstop online and on TV (Meek, 2020).

Magazines combine newspapers’ permanence and opportunity for greater in- depth

coverage with television’s photographic appeal. Reading magazines is primarily an adult

activity, although there are magazines geared toward children and adolescents such as

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Highlights, Sports Illustrated Kids, Teen Vogue, and National Geographic Kids that are

useful in developing children’s reading habits. For many girls, certain magazines such

as Seventeen and, later, Glamour, Vogue, and Cosmopolitan are an important part of the

female adolescent experience and are major contributors to the socialization of girls

as women in Western society (see Chapter 5). The emphasis in magazines of this kind

tends to be on fashion, attractiveness, romance, and sex. There really are no compar-

able gender- role socializing magazines for boys, although many of them read Sports

Illustrated and Sports Illustrated Kids.

Radio

One of the first electronic forms of media, radio rapidly permeated society in the 1920s,

much as television would do 30 years later and the Internet 40 years after that. The

current network TV format of prime- time entertainment programming was borrowed

from radio, which later reorganized into a primarily music- and- news format in the

1950s after TV co- opted its programming agenda. More than television, radio is highly

age- and interest- segmented (e.g., top 40, classical, country, Christian, oldies, rock, easy

listening, news and talk). Increasingly, the lines between online and terrestrial radio

are blurred, with many radio stations also broadcasting their content online. Online

streaming platforms like Spotify and Pandora are also very popular, as are podcasts,

which have grown tremendously in popularity in recent years (Sisario, 2021). Still,

traditional AM/ FM continues to be a very widely used audio medium, especially in

the car (Edison Research, 2021; Nielsen Company, 2018). Worldwide, radio is the most

widely available mass communication medium. It is crucially important in isolated and

developing societies because it does not depend on literacy, an Internet connection, elec-

tricity, or purchase of a relatively expensive television set, computer, or mobile phone.

Although there are premium satellite and streaming Internet radio services available,

most terrestrial radio receivers are cheap and run well on batteries or even solar power.

Compared to television or print media, programming is very inexpensive to produce,

especially talk and music formats. Talk radio, of course, can be anything from ennob-

ling to dangerous. One of the most shocking abuses of radio was the Rwandan station

that broadcast calls for genocide and fomented hysteria, culminating in the disastrous

Hutu– Tutsi civil war and genocide of 1994 to 1995, chillingly recreated in the 2004

film Hotel Rwanda. However, more often radio serves as an important part of the social

fabric, tying diverse constituencies together; even that infamous Rwandan radio station

later starting broadcasting a soap opera designed to encourage dialogue between Hutu

and Tutsi (Phillips, 2007).

Television

Although experimental sets appeared in the late 1930s, television was essentially

unknown by the general public at the end of World War II. Whereas only 0.02% of

U.S. homes had TV in 1946, that figure rose to 9% by 1950 and 23.5% by 1951. By 1962,

TV ownership had exploded, with 90% of U.S. homes having a set. By 1980, televisions

were found in about 98% of U.S. homes, a figure that has remained constant since then

(see Figure 1.1). Today, there are more than 120 million U.S. television households, and

each home has an average of about 2.5 TV sets, a number that has declined somewhat

in recent years, most likely due to the ability to view TV programming on devices other

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than televisions such as tablets and phones (Andreasen, 1994; Nielsen Company, 2017,

2020b; U.S. Energy Information Administration, 2017).

Although most of the television programming in the early years was produced by

networks or local stations, the rapid growth of cable and satellite technology in the

1980s and 1990s greatly expanded the offerings, with a corresponding decline in the

broadcast network market share. By the 1980s, video cassette recorders (VCRs) became

associated with television, and VCRs were present in 98% of U.S. households of fam-

ilies with children by 1999 (Jordan, 2001). However, in the new millennium, the digital

video recorder (DVR) became popular and was present in 50% of U.S. households by

2016, although that number has since declined (Nielsen Company, 2017). Also, by 2016,

Americans were increasingly “time shifting” their television viewing by accessing TV

content online via the Internet or through cable video- on- demand services (Nielsen

Company, 2017). This led some viewers to begin engaging in binge viewing, watching

entire seasons of some shows in one sitting (Jurgensen, 2012). Viewers also became

accustomed to streaming content on multiple devices; for example, watching some

episodes of a series on their TVs and others on their phones. By the time the cor-

onavirus pandemic hit in 2020 and people were stuck at home, there were multiple

streaming platforms for them to choose from for their TV content, with Netflix, the

original, being only one of many options. In fact, by 2021, streaming made up more

than a quarter of all TV usage in the United States and was only expected to grow

(R. Porter, 2021). Increased online viewership led to some measurement challenges

for companies like Nielsen that track TV consumption, although viewer tracking tech-

nology has also continued to evolve (Adgate, 2020b; Steel, 2016; see also Close- up 2.1).

Even among young children, television usage is high. A 2020 U.S. study found that

TV is a common medium in that age group, with 23% of children under 8 watching

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

90

100

1945

1950

1955

1960

1965

1970

1975

1980

1985

1990

% of U.S. Homes with TV

Year

Figure 1.1 Television growth in the twentieth century

Television went from being almost non- existent to being present in nearly every

U.S. home in the middle of the twentieth century. Since 1980, television has

continued to be present in about 98% of homes.

Source: Andreasen, 1994.

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television at least once a day, most for about half an hour each day. However, when

online video content (especially Netflix and YouTube) is added into the equation, those

figures jump to 73% of children viewing an average of an hour and 45 minutes per

day; the numbers are even higher among poor and minority children (Common Sense

Media, 2020). Much of this screen time is driven by children’s access to mobile devices.

Remarkably, half of children aged 2– 4 and two- thirds of children aged 5– 8 have their

own tablets or smartphones (Common Sense Media, 2020).

Teens are also frequent television viewers, with an average of about 17.5 hours of

TV time per week (Nielsen Company, 2021), or about 4r hours per day when viewing

on mobile devices is taken into account (Common Sense Media, 2019; Jarvey, 2018).

Compared to U.S. kids, figures for European children and families tend to be slightly

lower overall but vary greatly by country (Austin, Barnard et al., 2015; d’Haenens, 2001;

Thomson, 2018). An interesting side note is that most of the numbers mentioned here

are based on research that was conducted before the coronavirus pandemic hit and

many kids ended up spending ever larger chunks of time in front of screens for enter-

tainment and schooling.

The television phenomenon is almost as pervasive in developing countries as it is

in the Western world. Even the poorest and most crowded urban areas in developing

countries sprout myriad television antennas and satellite dishes. The number of TV sets

per 1,000 people worldwide doubled from 117 to 234 between 1981 and 1997 (“The

Faustian Bargain,” 1997), although they are hardly distributed evenly across the globe.

For example, in 1996 there were 906 TVs per 1,000 people in the Netherlands and

850 per 1,000 in the United States, but only five per 1,000 in Bangladesh and nine per

1,000 in Kenya (Wresch, 1996). Because so much TV content is now accessed online,

this discrepancy is only exacerbated by a continuing digital divide between Internet

access in rich countries and poor ones; many poor countries have little Internet infra-

structure. Time spent viewing television also varies by region, with Europeans and

North and South Americans watching the most, and Asian, African, and Oceanic

countries watching the least (Austin, Barnard et al., 2015; Glance, 2021; Thorne, 2021).

Nevertheless, this worldwide television reach has led to a global audience for some

events. For instance, audiences as large as 3 billion people tune in for sporting events

such as the Olympic Games and World Cup soccer finals on TV. See Close- up 1.3 for

an anthropologist’s view of the stages of a society’s acceptance of TV.

❖ CLOSE- UP 1.3 STAGES OF TELEVISION IMPACT

Drawing on his studies of television use in several Brazilian communities with varying

lengths of exposure to television, cultural anthropologist Kottak (2009) identified five stages

of societal interaction with television. In Stage 1 the medium is new and strange and attracts

people with glued gazes— no matter what the content is. “The medium rather than the

message is the mesmerizer” (Kottak, 2009, p. 139). Stage 2 is usually the next 10 to 15 years,

when people begin to interpret TV’s messages and selectively accept or reject them. Due

to its high status, television ownership displays conspicuous consumption and becomes a

source of privileged information. In Stage 3, the community is saturated with television, and

the length of exposure increases. By Stage 4, adults have spent their whole lives in a culture

permeated by television, whose lifelong impact on members of society is taken for granted.

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Finally, Stage 5 occurs with the widespread appearance of cable TV and video capability. At

this stage, there is much more individual control of TV, in terms of both time shifting and

abundant selection of programming. Marketing is increasingly directed at homogeneous

segments, not at the mass audience.

❖ CLOSE- UP REFLECTION QUESTIONS:

1. Are there older people in your life who might remember when television was

new? If so, briefly explain this model to them and ask how well it fits with their

experiences.

2. Kottak’s model was conceived before the widespread adoption of streaming. Given

that major change in how we access television content, do you think the model is

still applicable? Could it be modified in any way?

To date, the bulk of mass communication research has studied television because we

spend so much time watching it. Adults in the United States watch about 5 hours of

television per day, not including content accessed on phones, tablets, or computers

(Nielsen Company, 2021). In many households, televisions are on almost all the time,

even if no one is actively watching (Thompson & Tschann, 2016; Vandewater et al.,

2005). In fact, this seemed to increase during the coronavirus pandemic, as many

people working from home kept their TVs on in the background (Palmeri, 2020). One

of the most famous of these at- home viewers/ workers was Donald Trump, who report-

edly watched up to 7 hours of cable news daily in the White House during the pan-

demic (Rogers & Karni, 2020).

Television is such a large presence in our lives that according to a few estimates,

during childhood the average U.S. child sees around 15,000 sexual references,

innuendoes, and jokes per year on TV, with only a tiny fraction of those dealing with

abstinence, birth control, pregnancy, or sexually transmitted infections (Aubrey et al.,

2021; Kaiser Family Foundation, 2010; Strasburger & Donnerstein, 1999). One older

longitudinal study found that by the time a child reaches the age of 18, they have seen

an estimated 200,000 televised acts of violence (Huston et al., 1990). That estimate

seems low now, given the availability of almost limitless television content online and

on demand, much of it easily accessed by children.

GROUP DIFFERENCES

The amount of television that people tend to view changes through the lifespan. It rises

sharply between ages 2 and 4. It then levels off until about age 8, rising again by age

12. It then starts to fall during the high school and college years and young adulthood,

when people are busy with studying, working, romance, and parenting young chil-

dren. There is another rise, however, in the older adult years after one’s children are

grown. In fact, seniors watch more television than most groups. Other groups who

watch television more than average are women, poor people, and ethnic minorities

(Nielsen Company, 2021; Roberts, 2000). It is interesting that many of the groups who

watch the most television are the same groups that are the most underrepresented in

TV programming, where characters are disproportionately young, middle class, White,

male, professional, and affluent. We return to this issue in Chapter 5.

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TIME- OF- DAY DIFFERENCES

Television viewing also changes sharply throughout the day. Typically, the largest net-

work TV audience is during “prime time”— 8 to 11 p.m. Eastern and Pacific times in

North America (7 to 10 p.m. Central and Mountain). These are the hours that earn the

highest advertising charges and the greatest investment and innovation in program-

ming. The most obvious pinnacle of such efforts may be seen in the “sweeps weeks,”

12 periods throughout the year in which Nielsen audience size is used to calculate

advertising charges for the next several months (see Close- up 2.1). These are the weeks

when the networks and local stations outdo themselves presenting blockbuster movies,

specials, sports, and landmark episodes of top- rated series.

VIDEO AND STREAMING

Starting from Sony’s slow introduction of $2,000- plus Betamax machines into the

U.S. market in 1975 (5 years later, less than 1% of U.S. homes owned a VCR), growth

took off in the early 1980s until, by 1995, 85% of U.S. homes owned a VCR (Hull, 1995).

These days, VCRs are almost non- existent in homes, having been first replaced with

DVD/ Blu- ray players, which have subsequently been largely taken over by streaming

services. Although bitterly opposed to videotape and home viewing at first, Hollywood

studios later forged a very symbiotic and lucrative relationship between theater movies

and home video. VHS and, more recently, DVD and streaming rentals and sales have

brought huge additional income and interest to the film industry. The widespread

renting of movies has raised some new issues, however. Although the U.S. film rating

system (G, PG, PG- 13, R, NC- 17) can have some effect in theaters, it has had very

little impact at DVD rental kiosks, or online, where kids generally have little trouble

accessing an R- rated movie. More recently, increasing numbers of films have been

produced solely for DVD or online distribution, or released in “unrated” or “director’s

cut” versions, bypassing both theaters and the need to have any rating at all (see Close-

up 1.2). Such distribution channels have been an additional boon to home movie

viewing, since they are generally marketed with additional “special features,” such as

deleted scenes, interviews with stars and directors, and background information on

filming.

As with television, a growing trend is the tendency to view movies via online

streaming services. This was especially true during the coronavirus pandemic, when

several major movie studios chose to release films online when moviegoers felt unsafe

in theaters. Studios like Disney took advantage of their streaming TV apps to make

movies easily available at home. It was unclear if these trends would continue and

how well streaming movies and theaters would continue to coexist (Granados, 2021).

Indeed, previous shifts in viewing habits were responsible for the demise of brick- and-

mortar video rental stores such as Blockbuster (Kehr, 2011).

One segment of television still distressed by video and streaming technology

is advertising. Time shifting, which enables viewers to record TV shows and watch

them later while fast- forwarding through the ads, has spurred new creativity in the

ad industry in an attempt to produce ads that viewers will be reluctant to fast- forward

through. There are also increasing attempts to create commercials whose highlights can

be noticed while fast- forwarding. It is no accident that the ads have come to look more

like the programming, using artsy montage and cin�ma v�rit� techniques. In addition,

on- demand and streaming services often prevent ad skipping or require an extra fee

for doing so.

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Some television markets have grown exponentially in recent years. China is now by

far the largest TV market, moving from only 18 million people having access to TV in

1975 to 1 billion 20 years later, putting it first in the world in the number of TV viewers.

Today, densely populated China and India are the fastest growing television markets

in the world (Digital TV Research, 2021; Madden, 2010; Thomas, 2003). Such rapid

growth of emerging markets in developing countries will have far- reaching production

and advertising implications in future decades.

An important emphasis in future media research, as indeed in all social science

research, will be on cross- cultural dimensions. Virtually every society in the world is

becoming more multicultural, in part due to the increased ease of access to online

information. We are all exposed to media from many different national and cultural

sources, and it is necessary to understand how different cultures perceive the same

message differently. Useful papers and collections of cross- cultural media research

include: Boomgaarden & Song (2019); Esser et al. (2016). It is a common experience

in much of the world to be able to watch a foreign language television program or film

that has been dubbed or subtitled in the local language. For a discussion of how people

process subtitles, see Close- up 1.4.

❖ CLOSE- UP 1.4 READING, IGNORING, OR NOT HAVING TO DEAL

WITH SUBTITLES

In much of the world, a considerable amount of television and film content originates

in a place where a different language is spoken. Thus, the program is either dubbed or

subtitled in the local language. Dubbing allows viewers to hear their own language, though

it may not match the lip movements of the characters on the screen. In contrast, reading

subtitles, while simultaneously processing the visual content and ignoring the soundtrack

in an unfamiliar language, involves a set of cognitive skills that requires some practice

to do effectively (Harris et al., 2017; Perego et al., 2010). In general, when exposed to

subtitles, we are fairly adept at dealing with them. For example, one study (Szarkowska

& Gerber- Mor�n, 2018) found that people could process images and subtitled information

in a foreign language effectively, even at fast speeds. In fact, subtitles running at slower

speeds can lead to text re- reading and frustration that the subtitles are not adequately

keeping pace with the story. However, people may find subtitles distracting in cases when

they know both the language being spoken and the language in the subtitles (Lavaur &

Bairstow, 2011).

Belgian psychologist d’Ydewalle and his colleagues (e.g., de Bruycker & d’Ydewalle, 2003;

d’Ydewalle & de Bruycker, 2007; d’Ydewalle et al., 1991) have measured eye movements as

indicators of people’s relative attention to subtitles and visual content. Among other findings,

it was discovered that our eyes are naturally drawn to subtitles. Reading them is automatic,

even when the words spoken and the subtitles are in the same language and that language

is native to the viewer. Belgians are very familiar with reading subtitles; most of their movies

and much television is foreign and subtitled, sometimes bilingually in two subtitled parallel

lines in French and Dutch (the country’s two languages).

With so much content now being streamed, television and movies from around the world

are widely available, many with subtitles included. Indeed, media companies are eager

to expand their audiences internationally, and subtitling is a relatively easy way to do that

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because subtitles are much less expensive to produce than dubbing. What’s more, many

streaming platforms allow for captioned subtitles in an array of languages. It is also common

for viewers with no hearing impairment to turn on captioning in their own language, espe-

cially if unfamiliar accents, slang, or jargon are used. The combination of watching, listening,

and reading text can help them pick up details that might otherwise be lost (Jackson, 2020;

Kehe, 2018).

Interestingly, movies and TV shows with subtitles can also be used to learn elements of a

language, especially vocabulary (Birul�s- Muntan� & Soto- Faraco, 2016; d’Ydewalle & Van

de Poel, 1999; Koolstra & Beentjes, 1999; Vulchanova et al., 2015). In this vein, the Italian

newsmagazine L’Espresso once promoted itself by giving away “MovieTalk” CD- ROMs of old

Beverly Hills 90210 and Columbo episodes to use for English lessons. In addition to the ori-

ginal voicing, users had the option of pressing another button to hear a slower, less slurred,

and more precise voiceover (Stanley, 2000).

Despite the rise in subtitling options on platforms like Netflix, the United States is unusual

among nations in having little subtitled television regularly available. Presumably because so

much domestic programming, almost all in English, is available, U.S. audiences are gener-

ally not used to reading subtitles. Subtitled foreign films are made available, but usually with

the assumption that the audience will be small. The conventional industry wisdom, accurate

or not, has been that American audiences will not watch foreign language subtitled films or

television. This largely untested assumption may exclude much high- quality and potentially

popular content from American viewers. However, in 2020, the South Korean film Parasite,

subtitled in English, won the Academy Award for Best Picture. Although the money made

on the film was modest by “blockbuster” standards, the movie did well in the United States,

especially after it won the Academy Award (Rubin, 2020).

❖ CLOSE- UP REFLECTION QUESTIONS:

1. What experiences have you had with subtitling? Do you think you adequately follow

the content when watching a subtitled movie or TV show?

2. With the success of Parasite in the United States, do you think subtitled films will

become more common?

3. If people are resistant to subtitles, could they be missing out on content they

might enjoy?

Changing technology is accelerating fundamental structural changes in television.

Broadcast network TV (e.g., ABC, CBS, CW, Fox, and NBC, in the United States),

which accounted for more than 90% of the audience in the 1970s, has slowly but surely

seen its audience decline as proliferating cable channels and online platforms have

vastly increased the number of offerings available. The psychological impact of all these

choices is less clear; it is not obvious how receiving hundreds of channels and streaming

options will change people’s TV viewing in the long term. VCRs, DVRs, on- demand

cable services, and the Internet have greatly increased audience control in terms of

program selection and timing, as well as introducing the option of at least partially

avoiding commercials. Although the days of the mass audience are not over (top- rated

broadcast network TV shows, especially live sports such as NFL football in the United

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States, remain a very widely shared experience), the movement in the direction of more

precisely targeted audiences is probably unstoppable.

Other changes in television can be expected to grow. It is common now for TV

viewers to watch their favorite shows across various platforms (televisions, smartphones,

tablets), sometimes pausing programming on one device and resuming it later on

another. Interactive TV projects allow viewers, for example, to press one button to see

the original live feed and another to call up additional background information during

newscasts or sports events. Pressing yet another button can bring up a close- up shot of

an athlete during a ball game, whereas another can provide an instant replay or start the

game over. Netflix has even introduced a “Choose- Your- Own- Adventure” style option

with some shows, allowing viewers to decide what a character will do next by pressing

a button. Increased opportunities for connecting one’s computer, television, mobile

phone, tablet, and music system together will continue to change the face of mass com-

munication and further blur its distinctions from social media and entertainment.

Computer- Mediated Communication

The origins of what we think of today as “the Internet” can be traced to the Cold War.

Concerned that a nuclear attack by the Soviet Union would cripple U.S. communications

capabilities, computer scientists in the government and universities in the 1960s began

working on a way for computers to communicate across distances (Hafner & Lyon,

2006; McCullough, 2018). When e- mail and the World Wide Web became available to

average citizens in the 1990s, an information revolution began, and we are still seeing

that revolution unfold before our eyes.

Like other aspects of communication, the language around online communication

can be a bit confusing, especially because people often use terminology interchange-

ably. First, the Internet is the infrastructure (the computers and communication lines)

that facilitate online communication. In contrast, the World Wide Web (or “Web”)

is just one application that makes use of the Internet. Others include e- mail and file

transfer services as well as many mobile apps on your phone. When “www” is part of

a web address you’re viewing online, you are making use of the World Wide Web. The

Internet combined with the World Wide Web serve as the backbone for computer-

mediated communication (CMC), which is any communication that takes place

online through electronic devices.

Some of the most significant growth in CMC within the past decade has occurred in

social media. Unlike some media forms described earlier in this chapter, social media

are completely dependent on Internet technology. Social media are also different from

older media in that the content is largely (although not exclusively) user- generated and

shared. However, like television and print media, social media are largely dependent on

advertising and viewers/ users and are controlled by large and complex organizations

(Baran & Davis, 2019). For example, Facebook (which owns Instagram and WhatsApp)

is one of the most powerful and profitable corporations in the world (Isaac, 2021). See

Close- up 2.3 for a discussion of the difficulty in studying social media.

It is progressively more difficult to draw clear boundaries as to what is included

in mass communication when it comes to CMC. Many varieties of CMC, such as the

World Wide Web, instant messaging, streaming content, social media, podcasts, and

blogs have characteristics of both traditional print and broadcast media. For example,

when large documents like congressional investigations are released to the public, they

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are routinely posted online rather than in print. A major gaffe on camera by a polit-

ician or movie star is watched and re- watched on YouTube for the next several days

as viewers post comments about what they have seen. Whenever people want more

information about anything, they go online and Google the topic or check Wikipedia.

Electronic media, once mostly ephemeral once the TV or radio was turned off, is now

often a permanent fixture, readily available for future reference online.

Another capability which computers bring to mass communication is the ability

to digitally alter photographs. With modern technology, photographs can be so totally

changed as to be completely unrecognizable. They can also become associated online

with an article or story unrelated to their original context, a common technique of fake

news (see Chapter 7). The ethical boundaries are blurry here. Although few people

would have problems with digitally cropping a photo to remove irrelevant background,

how about digitally composing a photo to put people together who never were in that

particular place at the same time? No doubt a national leader would object to an altered

photo that showed her shaking hands with a terrorist, but what about altering a stu-

dent group shot for a university recruiting brochure to make it more ethnically diverse

than the original photo was? This actually was an issue at the University of Wisconsin-

Madison, where an African American student was digitally pasted into a photo of a

football crowd scene to make it look more ethnically diverse (Boese, 2006; Jacobson,

2001). Is this misrepresentation in a recruiting brochure? The student was in fact a

UWM student and could have been at that football game, although in fact he wasn’t

(see Wheeler, 2002, for a careful discussion of this issue).

Recently, deepfake artificial intelligence technology has emerged, which allows

videos to be created or altered in ways that can be difficult to detect. Computer soft-

ware and even smartphone apps make it possible to literally put words in people’s

mouths that they may never have actually said, or to make it appear that they behaved

in ways that never happened. To date, such videos have been used largely for comedy,

satire, and historical re- enactment purposes. For example, humorous deepfake TikTok

videos of celebrities like Tom Cruise have become popular (Fowler, 2021). However, it

is probably only a matter of time until such videos are used for more nefarious reasons.

Deepfake technology certainly makes it increasingly difficult to trust what we see

online. Although sometimes these altered videos are easy to spot, progressively more

sophisticated technology makes detection more and more challenging. Interestingly,

artificial intelligence technology is evolving almost as quickly to detect deepfakes (Lyu,

2020). Psychological research in this area is in its infancy, but ultimately, our own media

literacy (see Responding to Media at the end of this chapter) may be the best tool for

detecting these potentially deceptive videos (Hwang et al., 2021).

Do such alterations matter? Yes, they do. Experimental participants acting as news-

paper editors reviewing a story about a hurricane saw a picture of either a village before

the hurricane hit or the same devastated village after. Although there was no mention

of personal injuries or death in the story, about a third of those who had seen the “after”

picture falsely remembered the story as having mentioned injury or death, compared

to only 9% of those seeing the “before” photo (Garry et al., 2007). Doctored photos

can also affect one’s memory of public events widely covered in the news. Sacchi and

colleagues (2007) showed Italians either the original photo of a lone protester facing a

line of tanks in the 1989 Tiananmen Square protest in Beijing or a doctored photo of the

same with masses of spectators watching. Participants in the study were also shown one

of a comparable pair of photos of a 2003 Rome protest against the Iraq War. People who

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saw the doctored photos remembered the events as involving more people with more

confrontation and damage to persons and property. A more recent study (Murphy &

Flynn, 2021) tested the memories of participants who viewed fake news stories that

included deepfake videos, text, or text and altered photos. The researchers discovered

that viewing deepfake videos could help instill false memories of events. Somewhat

reassuringly, the results also indicated that deepfake videos were not any more likely to

induce false memories than fake news stories with only text or text and a faked photo.

This might be due to the fact that false memories are surprisingly easy to develop, as

many classic studies in memory (e.g., Loftus & Pickrell, 1995) have demonstrated.

As with print and broadcast media, the theories and research methodologies of

mass communication (see Chapter 2) have increasingly been used to study CMC.

However, because boundaries between traditional and online media are now blurred,

media scholars are working to adapt. Specifically, Perloff (2015a) points out that in

many instances, interpersonal communication is now also mass communication (also

see Close- up 1.1). For example, it is common for viewers, watching a live broadcast of a

television show, to tweet their reactions to friends and followers while also monitoring

the reactions of others. More importantly, platforms such as Facebook and Twitter

sometimes have become news sources when users post videos detailing newsworthy

incidents such as police brutality (Paybarah, 2021; Victor & McPhate, 2016). Indeed,

“in an age of citizen journalism and Twitter, receivers have become senders” (Perloff,

2015a, p. 532).

Although theoretical frameworks for researching the Internet are still developing

(Borah, 2017), Walther and colleagues (2005) discuss five qualities of the Internet

that are particularly worthy of study and theory. The multimedia aspect of the

Internet is not unique to CMC but is a central part of it. CMC stimuli may contain

any or all of the following: written words, spoken words, pictures, sounds, video, and

social interaction of the user with other users. How and when these various elements

are processed together or separately offers a major research challenge, made all the

more daunting by the fact that users often are doing other, non- CMC activities at the

same time!

Hypertextuality is perhaps the most unique characteristic of the Internet. The

availability of multiple links to many other sites and stimulus sources makes the

Internet perhaps the most profoundly nonlinear of the mass media. How people choose

to navigate through the various links, how websites can be designed to facilitate navi-

gation in the most efficient way, and how people mentally combine information from

the various sources are all hugely important topics that need much further study. It is

not always clear how the nonlinear nature of most websites either facilitates or inhibits

learning. Some research has suggested that print format or linear web designs lead to

better factual learning, but nonlinear web formats contribute to a better understanding

of connections among facts. Processing of hypertext information also seems dependent

on individuals’ memory abilities and prior knowledge of the topic at hand (DeStefano

& LeFevre, 2007; Eveland et al., 2004; Eveland & Dunwoody, 2001, 2002; Kornmann

et al., 2016).

Interactivity is not unique to the Internet but is a major attribute of many of its

uses. Whether it is talking to friends through instant messaging, mobile phone texting,

Facebook postings, or shopping online, interaction with the media is far more fun-

damental in CMC than with the traditional print or broadcast media. How do elec-

tronic conversations differ from face- to- face or written ones? How are experiences like

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shopping, information seeking, auctioning, or even visiting, different, perhaps even

fundamentally so, on the Internet?

A fourth characteristic, packet switching, has received the least behavioral research

attention, according to Walther and colleagues (2005). Packet switching has to do with

the fact that the Internet sends digital bits, encoded with identity and routing informa-

tion, as well as content, over multiple paths, such that it can be retrieved in multiple

ways through multiple links. This is useful, for example, in keeping access open in the

face of hardware or infrastructure crashes or in subverting authoritarian attempts to

block Internet access. However, it poses challenges in other ways, such as making it

difficult to block child pornography, online predation, cyber- bullying, fake news, and

electronic piracy. Generally, the packet switching technology is well ahead of the regu-

latory process and often far ahead of the behavioral research in understanding how

such processes work.

Finally, the characteristic of synchronicity, or the timing of how communication is

sent and received, is important. Four types of CMC synchronicity are a part of the world

all children grow up with now, though only a short time ago none of them even existed.

One- to- one asynchronous communication includes traditional e- mail. A message can be

sent from one person to another, but it may not be viewed immediately. Many- to- many

asynchronous communication involves electronic bulletin boards and distribution lists,

in which a receiver signs up for a service or logs on to a program to access messages

from a particular group, usually focused on some specific topic. If a user must seek out

a site in order to asynchronously access information, it may involve one- to- one, many-

to- one, or one- to- many source– receiver relationships, most often involving visiting a

website. Also, synchronous communication includes texting, instant messaging, and the

use of video services like Zoom and Skype. This type of communication typically occurs

in real time. Texting, instant messaging, and instant video services are very popular

forms of communication, once common mostly among teens, but now used by most

segments of society, especially as e- mail communication has fallen out of favor with

many (June, 2021). However, even the line between synchronous and asynchronous

communication is blurry now, in that social media platforms like Twitter and Facebook

allow users to either follow posts in real time or catch up later. Whether one is commu-

nicating by CMC in a synchronous or asynchronous manner can affect the way people

process information and perform a cognitive problem- solving task (M�nzer & Borg,

2008). With the growth of online classes during the coronavirus pandemic and before,

a body of research has also compared synchronous to asynchronous online learning.

Each modality seems to have its advantages and disadvantages, but synchronous com-

munication in online classes appears to be more beneficial overall, although the type of

material being learned and even the personality of the learner play a role in this (Ducan

et al. 2012; Rockinson- Szapkiw & Wendt, 2015; Wu et al., 2019).

There are interesting age differences in the use of CMC. Although the stereo-

types of the adolescent tech geek and the technologically clueless older adult still exist,

increasing numbers of older adults are effectively using the Internet. One 2017 survey

found that 67% of those in the United States over 65 used the Internet (compared with

90% overall) (Anderson & Perrin, 2017). By 2021, that figure had grown to 75% of those

over 65 (with 93% overall) (Perrin & Atske, 2021). Older adults are more likely to use

the Internet for shopping and for information seeking on topics of specific interest to

them. They are less likely than younger groups to use CMC for social media purposes

(Anderson & Perrin, 2017; Perrin & Anderson, 2019).

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Not surprisingly, the young are especially frequent users of CMC, with 99% of

those aged 18– 29 saying that they use the Internet (Perrin & Atske, 2021). Among

teens (13– 17), 92% said they go online every day, and 24% of these indicated that

they do so “almost constantly,” many with the aid of smartphones (Pew Research

Center, 2015). The most common uses of the Internet among teens are for texting,

social networking, and gaming (Pew Research Center, 2015). Homework and online

schooling also accounted for many hours of teen Internet use, especially during the

coronavirus pandemic. However, Internet access for low- income and minority teens

lags compared to other groups (Auxier & Anderson, 2020). By 2003, teens aged 13 to

14 reported they were spending more time per week online than watching television, a

trend that has only grown over the years, with more and more video content available

online (Common Sense Media, 2019; Weaver, 2003b). Often the Internet becomes the

primary media source of information.

Teens, young adults, and now middle- aged and older adults also make tremen-

dous use of social media like Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, and Snapchat. According

to Facebook’s own statistics, as of 2021, there were more than 1.8 billion daily users and

more than 2.8 billion monthly users of the site worldwide (Facebook, 2021). Another

survey found that 81% of Americans reported using at least one social media website,

with Facebook being the favorite among older adults, and Instagram and Snapchat

being more popular with younger adults (Auxier & Anderson, 2021). Worldwide, social

media use differs dramatically by country, with large majorities of adults in Western,

Middle Eastern, and some Asian nations being heavy users, while those living in many

African countries do not engage as much (Poushter et al., 2018). According to at least

one estimate, by 2010, Americans spent more time on social networking sites than on

any other online activity (Nielsen Company, 2010). Interestingly, implicit rules have

evolved for expectations on social media (Walther & Bunz, 2005). For example, on

platforms like Facebook, there are multiple cues (photos, wall postings, profile, etc.)

to give information about a user. Researchers are beginning to understand how people

combine that information to form impressions of others in the absence of traditional

interpersonal face- to- face cues (Anderson et al., 2012; Lee, 2007; Pelled et al., 2017;

Walther et al., 2008).

As we have seen, CMC is wildly popular, and that popularity is growing. Are there

psychological consequences arising from engaging in so much CMC? There is disagree-

ment in the literature about whether Internet and social media use is associated with

social isolation or loneliness (Cole, 2000; Kraut et al., 1998; McKenna & Bargh, 1999;

McKenna & Seidman, 2005; Meshi et al., 2020; Sheldon et al., 2011). Overall, Internet

use is typically more social than television viewing, in part due to social options like

instant messaging. At least one study found that young adults were happier engaging

in instant messaging communication than being involved in comparable face- to- face

interaction (Green et al., 2005). There is also evidence that attempting to present one-

self as extraverted on a blog, compared to writing private text documents, leads people

to actually see themselves as more extraverted (Gonzales & Hancock, 2008). Compared

to face- to- face (FTF) interactions between two people, those who instant messaged

each other drew interpersonal perceptions about the other person equally well, and

even clearer social roles of being dominant or submissive emerged in the CMC con-

dition. These findings suggest that CMC is neither totally lacking in social cues, nor

is it the “great equalizer” in terms of status (Boucher et al., 2008). The strongest evi-

dence for social isolation comes in the minority of the population who spend a very

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large number of hours online, perhaps due to a preference for online interaction that

fosters compulsive Internet use, which in turn results in negative social outcomes and

depression (Caplan, 2005; Guo et al., 2020; Morrison & Gore, 2010). Effects of Internet

use on social isolation are much weaker or non- existent for moderate users. As of this

writing, the effects of social isolation and Internet dependence inherent during the

coronavirus pandemic are just beginning to receive research attention. In the coming

years, it will be interesting to see how COVID- 19, which affected so many aspects of

our lives, has also affected our relationship to media, especially the Internet. See Close-

up 1.5 for some information on what we know so far about social media habits during

the pandemic, and Close- up 1.6 for a discussion about research on making new social

connections online.

Numerous questions about CMC remain and are fertile areas of inquiry for

researchers. Will newer technologies like social media, streaming video, and texting

complement or replace more traditional communication means like print media,

broadcast TV, and talking on the phone? What is gained psychologically from instant

messaging, texting, tweeting, and using Instagram? What might be lost in these kinds

of interactions? How do people evaluate the worth of the information they find online?

Are the communication changes that came with COVID- 19 here to stay? What will be

the next shifts in communication, and how will those changes affect us psychologically?

❖ CLOSE- UP 1.5 SOCIAL MEDIA DURING SOCIAL DISTANCING:

AN IMPORTANT LIFELINE OR A MISINFORMATION MESS?

In late 2019, a mysterious new flu- like illness was discovered in Wuhan, China. By March of

2020, most of the world had gone into a lockdown to avoid what became known as the COVID-

19 coronavirus. As we all well know, life quickly and dramatically changed. But how did COVID

also change our relationship to media, especially social media?

With social restrictions in place, many of us were forced to turn to technology to connect with

others. Zoom, Google Classroom, and Microsoft Teams all saw a surge of activity as much

of the world’s work and education suddenly became virtual. Online entertainment apps like

Netflix, already very popular, also saw enormous growth (Koeze & Popper, 2020). Perhaps

the biggest jolt came to social media, however. With usage numbers generally having plat-

eaued pre- pandemic, many social media sites saw a sharp increase in use as people were

stuck at home. The biggest increases were in social video platforms, especially TikTok and

Instagram (Fischer, 2020; Molla, 2021). Apps like Snapchat that allowed for instant commu-

nication also saw a rise in popularity (Williamson, 2020).

Why were people suddenly so drawn to social media? The uses and gratifications theory of

mass communication (see Chapter 2) would predict that social media were satisfying spe-

cific needs for individual users during a time of upheaval. Certainly, a pressing need for

many of us was to find ways to connect socially when that was all but impossible in person.

One interesting analysis of TikToks during the first months of the pandemic found several

common themes among the posts: dealing with a new normal of living through a pan-

demic, promoting health information, and connecting to the shared human struggle of living

through such a challenging time (Unni & Weinstein, 2021). Another study of TikTok content

during this time (Ostrovsky & Chen, 2020) found that COVID- related videos posted by health

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professionals were especially popular. To be sure, many found comfort in being able to see

and hear doctors talk directly about their own experiences with masks and vaccinations. In

fact, TikToks with the #doctors and #nursesofcovid hashtags each had more than a billion

views (Wong, 2021).

Overall, seeking COVID medical information on social media became quite common during

the pandemic. One survey found that 76% of social media users had relied on social media

for COVID information. Unfortunately, the same survey also revealed that most users did not

fact- check information they saw on social media despite generally distrusting much of what

they saw there (Neely et al., 2021).

People were right to be distrustful. As with other topics on social media, misinformation

about COVID was easily spread. In fact, one wide- reaching study of U.S. social media users

found that coronavirus information from reliable and unreliable sources spread equally

fast across various social media platforms (Cinelli et al., 2020). In addition, an analysis of

Brazilian social media revealed that Facebook was the most popular social medium for pan-

demic misinformation (Biancovilli et al., 2021).

Such misinformation isn’t just noise, either. Some scholars began calling the spread of

false coronavirus information an “infodemic” because not only was it false, it also had the

potential to cause harm by accelerating the transmission of COVID itself by promoting lies

about how the disease was spread (Zarocostas, 2020). For example, Plandemic, a pseudo-

documentary featuring a discredited medical researcher, was posted on several social

media platforms. The video contained numerous unfounded conspiracy theories about the

virus and vaccines. Within a week of its posting, the video had received more than 2 million

views (Frenkel et al., 2020). Such distortions seemed to make an impression, at least among

some social media users. A survey of more than 20,000 Americans discovered a strong

relationship between getting one’s news from social media and belief in COVID misinfor-

mation, especially among those younger than 45. In fact, about a quarter of those who got

their news from Facebook, Instagram, and Snapchat believed false coronavirus information

(Baum et al., 2021).

So, is the spread of such misinformation inevitable? Not according to Pennycook and

colleagues (2020). Building on their work in helping people recognize fake news (see

Chapter 7), these researchers found that people could be trained to avoid propagating false

COVID information on social media. Interestingly, it was discovered that cues in a social

media post, such as the number of likes it received, can distract people from thinking crit-

ically about whether the information in the post is factual. This seems to be especially true

when people are asked to think about how likely they would be to share a post. Furthermore,

when people were asked to think about the truthfulness of a post (aside from whether they

would want to share it), they were pretty good at discerning truth from fiction. In a follow- up

study, participants who were first asked to rate the truthfulness of a neutral news story on

social media were less likely to want to share a false COVID news story than participants

who had not had that intervention. Thus, it seems that when we actually stop to think about

what we’re seeing on social media, aside from the distractions that might be there, we are

less likely to believe and share false information. Increasing our science and medical literacy

as well as taking the time to fact- check could also help us separate COVID fact from fiction

(Eysenbach, 2020).

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The dual nature of social media’s response to the coronavirus (to alleviate aspects of a crisis

on the one hand while making that crisis worse on the other hand) is a good example of

the powerful influence that media can have. This is a theme we will return to throughout

this book.

❖ CLOSE- UP REFLECTION QUESTIONS:

1. How much of your own knowledge of the coronavirus pandemic do you think came

from social media? How much of the COVID information you saw on social media

do you think was false?

2. If the world experiences another worldwide crisis like COVID- 19, how might social

media be changed to decrease the spread of misinformation? Is it the responsibility

of social media companies to change?

3. What can you do to protect yourself from misinformation you see on social

media?

❖ CLOSE- UP 1.6 MAKING PERSONAL CONNECTIONS ONLINE

Are relationships that are formed online inherently shallow, impersonal, and even hostile and

dangerous? Or, do they allow a liberation from the confines of physical locality and superficial

aspects like physical appearance?

In an early survey study of online relationships of people in a variety of newsgroups, 60%

of respondents reported making some sort of personal relationship online (Parks, 1996).

Women were somewhat more likely than men to have such electronic friends, though

age and marital status did not matter. Almost all had corresponded with their friend via

e- mail and about a third each had used phone, letter, or face- to- face contact as well. These

relationships developed in many of the same ways that traditional relationships do.

In the realm of romantic relationships, a 2016 survey revealed that 15% of adults reported

having used online dating sites, while 41% of adults in the United States indicated that they

knew someone who had used an online dating website. About 29% said that they knew

someone who was in a long- term relationship that started on such a website, a figure that

had doubled since 2006 (Smith, 2016). By 2020, online dating had become more common,

with about 30% of Americans saying they had dated online. The percentages were higher

among people younger than 30 (48%), those who had never been married (52%), and people

who identified as lesbian, gay, or bisexual (55%) (Anderson et al., 2020).

In a study comparing self- disclosure online and face- to- face, McKenna and Seidman (2005)

found that people shared more of their true selves online than face- to- face and liked an

Internet partner more than a face- to- face partner. Of course, individual differences are

important. People more strongly prefer online relationships if they are socially anxious, fear

rejection, are lonely, or if the circumstances of their current roles or relationships constrain

face- to- face encounters (Hance et al., 2018; McKenna & Seidman, 2005). Those who are

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26

trusting and extraverted also may find it easier than others to self- disclose information

about themselves to potential online dating partners (Tait & Jeske, 2015).

Far from keeping people from interacting personally, electronic technology may thus some-

times enhance the development of friendships and romance, free of the usual constraints of

the first reactions to physical appearance and personal mannerisms.

❖ CLOSE- UP REFLECTION QUESTIONS:

1. Have you ever dated online? If so, what were your experiences like? If not, would you

ever consider dating online?

2. Do relationships initiated online have the same qualities as those initiated in

person?

3. What risks come with dating or making friendships online? Do the benefits of such

potential relationships outweigh the risks?

RESPONDING TO MEDIA, CHAPTER 1: MEDIA LITERACY

AS�A COMPASS FOR THE MEDIA LANDSCAPE

When considering all that has been discussed in this chapter regarding the prevalence

and power of media, additional questions may arise. For example, how do we navigate

the increasingly complex world of mass communication? How can we discern real news

from fake news? How do we arm children with the tools they need to deal with violent or

sexual media they may encounter? One well- known movie mogul may have the answer.

In a 2004 interview, Star Wars filmmaker George Lucas aptly suggested the great need for

media education:

When people talk to me about the digital divide, I think of it not being so much about who has

access to what technology as who knows how to create and express themselves in this new lan-

guage of the screen. If students aren’t taught the language of sound and images, shouldn’t they

be considered as illiterate as if they left college without being able to read or write? Unfortunately,

most learning institutions find that idea very difficult to swallow. They consider the various forms

of non- written communication as some type of therapy or art.

(“Media Deconstruction,” 2012, p. 2)

There is a critical need for greater media literacy in modern society. Media literacy

may be defined as a set of critical thinking skills involving the “ability to access, ana-

lyze, evaluate, and process media” (Steyer, 2002, p. 195). Its goals are to teach people to

use media consciously and selectively and to think critically about media messages and

images. Media literacy may be conceptualized in different ways; for example, as a public

policy issue, an educational curriculum issue, a responsible parenting issue, or as an area

of scholarly inquiry from a variety of disciplinary perspectives (Christ & Potter, 1998).

See Potter (2019) for a comprehensive formulation of media literacy, Potter (2004) for a

more theoretical approach, and Jeong and colleagues (2012) for a meta- analysis of media

literacy intervention programs.

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Consistent with recent theory and research on mass communication, the contem-

porary emphasis in media literacy is more on the empowerment of consumers rather than

on protection from some monolithic, pernicious influence. Realistically, no one can be

completely shielded from media and popular culture, nor should we want to be; media

are omnipresent, enduring, and often very useful and rewarding parts of our lives. Rather,

we must learn to live not only with traditional print and electronic media, but also with

all the rapidly evolving new technologies of mass, personal, and computer- mediated com-

munication, especially the Internet, social media, and other aspects of cyberspace. In all

of this, the purpose of media literacy is to give us more control over our interpretations of

media (Potter, 2019).

Scholars identify different types of media literacy. Meyrowitz (1998), for example,

suggests three. Media content literacy focuses on characters, themes, information,

behaviors, and so on. Media grammar literacy is about learning the features of each

particular medium. For example, as children mature and experience more TV, they

acquire the knowledge of how to interpret the cuts, fades, dissolves, and general montage

techniques used in the editing of film or TV. Very young children may misinterpret things

that they see on television because they fail to understand these techniques. The third type

of literacy, medium literacy, involves learning the specific conventions, modalities, and

processing requirements for using each particular medium. Different media require the

use of different sensory modalities and parts of the brain. Specific conventions of visual

literacy require different skills and understanding from what is required for understanding

purely verbal media (Messaris, 1994, 1997, 1998). For example, television to some extent

and especially some computer- mediated communications like hypertext on the Internet

are notoriously nonlinear in character, in contrast to radio and print.

Media literacy interventions can have two broad categories of intended

outcomes: media- relevant outcomes and behavior- relevant outcomes (Jeong et al., 2012).

Media- relevant outcomes focus on knowledge, particularly on understanding that there

are often motives behind media. One example of a media- relevant outcome is knowing

the persuasive intent of ads and the techniques that advertising uses to persuade (Austin

et al., 2005; Buijzen, 2007). Another media- relevant outcome is influence, understanding

that media affect audiences in a variety of ways, from cultivating world beliefs to changing

attitudes to teaching behaviors (Duran et al., 2008). The final media- relevant outcome is

the outcome of realism, referring to the understanding that media represent, to varying

degrees, factual and/ or social reality (Austin et al., 2007).

Behavior- relevant outcomes include understanding the consequences of engaging

in a behavior or holding particular attitudes about that behavior; for example, knowing

that accepting the assumptions of a certain type of political ad could lead to voting against

one’s own interest (Banerjee & Greene, 2006, 2007). These types of outcomes also include

perceptions of one’s own self- efficacy (perceived ability to engage in some behavior) and

the perception of the behaviors of others in regard to media (Austin et al., 2005).

Overall, media literacy interventions have been quite successful in a number of areas

such as teaching about topics of violence (Cantor & Wilson, 2003; Scharrer, 2006; Webb

et al., 2010), body image and sexuality (Allen et al., 1996; Richardson et al., 2009; Scull

et al., 2019; Wilksch & Wade, 2009; Yamamiya et al., 2005), advertising (Livingstone &

Helsper, 2006), news (Loth, 2012), and health promotion and nutrition (Austin et al., 2020;

Bergsma & Carney, 2008). Of course, the effectiveness of media literacy interventions is

also affected by several moderating variables (Jeong et al., 2012). For example, the agent

or source of the teaching and the setting in which it occurs may be factors. The source may

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28

be a teacher, a parent, a peer, or an author of a curriculum (Webel et al., 2010). Also, the

audience is important. A program for children of a certain age will be more effective if it

deeply understands the cognitive processing skills and psychological needs of children of

that age.

One of my hopes is that this book will help arm you with tools that will provide you

with a greater media literacy. The words “arm” and “tools” in this section of the chapter

may seem extreme, but the power of the media is immense. However, our ability to under-

stand and effectively deal with the media is even more powerful. This book invites you to

fully equip your media literacy toolbox.

CHAPTER 1 REVIEW AND DISCUSSION QUESTIONS

1.

In the chapter, this statement is made: “the bottom line of commercial mass media is

money…” Explain what is meant by this and how the money–media connection can have an

effect on media content.

2.

In the chapter, an argument is made that mass communication (even “passive” forms like

television) provoke a response from the media consumer. Explain how that can happen.

3.

How is social media like older media such as print and television? How is it different?

For chapter outlines, more review and discussion questions, useful links, and suggested further

reading on this chapter’s subject, please visit www.routle dge.com/ 978036 7713 553 and follow the

link under Support Material.

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