Page 1

“Deckers’ text provides a broad overview of several theories and empirical findings in the field

of motivation. Deckers’ style is approachable and conversational, making this text an excellent

introduction to the philosophical and scientific study of motivation.”

Sean Laraway, Professor of Research and Psychology,

San Jose State University

“There have been numerous developments in the field of motivation and emotion since the

publication of the fourth edition in 2014. The updated fifth edition of Deckers’ Motivation:

Biological, Psychological, and Environmental highlights and integrates these new developments

and the latest empirical work across each of the considered topic areas. Additionally, the fifth

edition also presents some of the most important classic and historical theories. The addition of

weblinks to the topics related to motivation in the media and online will be of interest to both

instructors to stimulate discussion in the classroom and to students to enhance their experience

with the text. Thus, the fifth edition is an excellent resource for an undergraduate course focused

on examining human motivation.”

Erica D. Musser, Department of Psychology,

Florida International University

“This text is a classic! Dr. Lambert Deckers uses an engaging narrative along with excellent

empirical and real-life examples to articulate complex motivation theories and models. A wonderful

recipe for learning—which also complements my teaching.”

Steven J. Kohn, Department of Psychology, Counseling,

and Family Therapy, Valdosta State University

Motivation

This textbook provides a complete overview of motivation and emotion, using an

overarching organizational scheme of how biological, psychological, and environmental

sources become motivation—the inducement of behavior, feelings, and cognition.

It combines classic studies with current research and uses numerous real-world examples

to engage the student and make often-difficult theoretical concepts come to life. By

understanding and applying the principles of motivation described in the text, students

will not only discover insights into what motivates their own behavior but also how to

instigate self-change.

Thoroughly revised and updated throughout, this fifth edition provides a major review

of recent research, with over 225 new references, including expansion in the areas of

goal motivation and emotion psychology. Other updated topics include new findings and

interpretations on how evolution affects our preferences, how personality traits determine

motivation, and how self-control depends on a cost/benefit analysis. The addition of

individual chapter glossaries and an increased number of links to additional resources

supplement student learning. This textbook is suitable as a primary text for courses on

motivation.

For additional resources, please consult the companion website at www.routledge.com/

cw/deckers.

Lambert Deckers is a professor emeritus of psychological science at Ball State University

in Muncie, Indiana. He taught psychology courses for 45 years, with 40 years devoted to

teaching a course in motivation and emotion. He also taught courses in the psychology

of learning, and history and systems of psychology. Professor Deckers is a charter

member of the Association for Psychological Science and a member of the Society for

the Study of Motivation.

Motivation

Biological, Psychological,

and Environmental

Fifth Edition

LAMBERT DECKERS

Fifth edition published 2018

by Routledge

711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017

and by Routledge

2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

� 2018 Taylor & Francis

The right of Lambert Deckers to be identified as author of this work has been

asserted by him in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright,

Designs and Patents Act 1988.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or

reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical,

or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying

and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system,

without permission in writing from the publishers.

Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks

or registered trademarks and are used only for identification

and explanation without intent to infringe.

First edition published by Pearson Education, Inc. 2005

Fourth edition published by Routledge 2014

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

A catalog record for this book has been requested

ISBN: 978-1-138-03632-1 (hbk)

ISBN: 978-1-138-03633-8 (pbk)

ISBN: 978-1-315-17861-5 (ebk)

Typeset in Bembo and Frutiger

by Florence Production Ltd, Stoodleigh, Devon, UK

Visit the companion website: www.routledge.com/cw/deckers

To Lisa, Erik, and Cindy

Contents

Preface

xvii

Acknowledgments

xix

1

Introduction to Motivation and Emotion

1

Meaning of Motivation 1

To Be Moved into Action 2

Purpose of a Motivation Psychology 4

Motivation as Anticipation of the Future 5

Aspects of Motivation as a Journey 8

Auxiliary Assumptions about Motivation 9

Section Recap 10

Sources of Motivation 11

Internal Sources 11

External Sources 12

Linking Biological, Psychological, and Environmental Variables 13

The Past as a Source of Motivation 14

Combined Internal and External Sources Motivate Behavior 15

Emotions 17

Section Recap 17

Study of Motivation and Emotion 18

Research in Motivation 19

Research in Emotion 21

Sources and Scope of Motivation 22

ix

Section Recap 22

Glossary 23

References 25

2

The History of Motivation and Emotion

29

Brief History of Motivation 30

Aristotle’s Theory 30

Hedonism 30

Evolution and Motivation 35

Unconscious Motivation 39

Early Views on Drives, Needs, and Incentives 42

Early Views that Drives and Incentives Interact to Motivate Behavior 46

Section Recap 51

Brief History of Emotion 52

Emotion as Subjective Feeling 53

Basic Emotions 53

Emotion as Motive for Action and Thought 54

Accompaniments of Emotion 55

Section Recap 57

Glossary 57

References 60

3

Evolutionary Antecedents of Motivation

65

Evolutionary Perspective on Motivation 65

Evolutionary History and Personal History 66

Evolutionary Psychology 68

Section Recap 70

Universal Motives for Relationships and Sex 70

Motivation for Relationships 70

Good Genes and Bad Genes Hypotheses 72

Long-Term Mate Selection 75

Biosocial Theory 76

Guarding Relationships 79

Section Recap 81

Fear, Food Preferences, and Music as Universal Motives 82

Fear as a Universal Motive 82

Preferences and Liking for Foods 85

Universal Appeal of Music 89

Section Recap 92

Glossary 92

References 94

C O N T E N T S

x

4

Addictions and Addictive Behaviors

99

Drugs of Abuse and Addiction 100

Aspects of Addiction 100

Specifics of Drug Addiction 103

From Experimentation to Addiction 104

Section Recap 108

The Addiction Process 109

Psychological Theories of Drug Addiction 110

Brain Correlates of Addiction 112

Loss of Self-Control 115

Role of Environment in Addiction via Conditioning 116

Events that Lead to Drug Relapse 117

Cognition and Addiction 119

Section Recap 120

Behavioral Addictions 121

Exercise Addiction and Drug Addiction 121

Opioids and Exercise-Induced Euphoria 123

Gambling Addiction 125

Internet Addiction 127

Section Recap 129

Glossary 129

References 132

5

Homeostasis: Temperature, Thirst, Hunger, and Eating

137

Internal Factors of Body Regulation 138

Homeostasis and Allostasis 138

Negative Feedback System 138

Effects of Deviation from Set Point 139

Thermoregulation 139

Thirst and Drinking 141

The Body’s Energy Requirements 142

Energy Homeostasis 142

Hunger Sensations 146

Feedback Mechanisms for Satiety 149

Dual Intervention Point Model 149

Section Recap 151

Food Characteristics and Eating 152

Cephalic Responses 152

Palatability and Amount of Food 152

Sensory-Specific Satiety 154

Food Preferences 155

Section Recap 158

C O N T E N T S

xi

Person Characteristics and Eating 159

Boundary Model of Eating 159

Release of Diet Restraint 161

Anorexia Nervosa 163

Section Recap 164

Glossary 165

References 167

6

Behavior, Arousal, and Affective Valence

171

Arousal and Performance 172

Categories of Arousal 172

Sources of Arousal 174

Arousal and Behavior 175

Section Recap 182

Theories about the Performance–Arousal Relationship 182

Hull–Spence Drive Theory 183

Cusp Catastrophe Mode [model] 183

Arousal-Biased Competition Theory 185

Memory Systems 185

Anxiety Affects Cognitive Processing and Behavior 186

Section Recap 189

Arousal and Affective Valence 190

Variation in Affective Valence 190

Stimulus Complexity and Affective Valence 192

Novelty and Incongruity in Music and Humor 195

The Pleasure of Music 196

Incongruity Resolution and Humor 198

Section Recap 199

Glossary 199

References 202

7

Stress, Coping, and Health

207

Relationship between Life Events and Stress 207

Demands, Coping, and Stress 208

Characteristics of Stressors 208

Characteristics of Stress 211

Stressor–Stress Relationship 215

Section Recap 223

Stressors Affect the Body 224

Psychophysiological Disorders 224

Sickness Behavior 227

Section Recap 227

C O N T E N T S

xii

Variables Moderating the Impact of Life Events 228

Appraisal and Coping with Life Events and Stress 228

Stressor Controllability 231

Feedback 233

Section Recap 233

Glossary 234

References 236

8

Psychological Needs and Motives

241

Drives and Needs as Internal Sources of Motivation 242

Interaction of Push and Pull Motivation 242

Physiological Needs, Drives, and Psychological Needs 242

Motivation by Psychological Needs 243

Characteristics of Psychological Needs 244

Demonstrating that Psychological Needs Motivate Behavior 249

Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs Revised 252

Section Recap 254

Some Important Psychological Needs 255

Achievement Motivation 255

Factors that Affect Achievement Motivation 256

Needs for Autonomy and Competence 257

Need to Affiliate/Belong 258

Need for Closure and Need for Cognition 261

Need for Meaning 263

Need for Power 265

Need for Self-Esteem 266

Section Recap 269

Glossary 270

References 271

9

Personality and Motivation

275

Personality Associated with Motivation 275

Personality Traits as Categories or Causes of Behavior 276

Personality Traits for Motivation 276

Biological Reality of Traits 278

Section Recap 283

Personality Traits Affect Motivation 285

Personality and Environment 285

Cybernetic Big Five Theory 285

Effects of Openness-to-Experience on Motivation 287

Effects of Extraversion on Motivation 287

Effects of Neuroticism on Motivation 291

C O N T E N T S

xiii

Effects of Conscientiousness on Motivation 293

Effects of Agreeableness on Motivation 293

Effects of Multiple Traits on Motivation 294

Effects of Sensation-Seeking on Motivation 299

Section Recap 300

Glossary 301

References 303

10

Extrinsic and Intrinsic Motivation

307

Extrinsic Motivation and Incentive Value 308

Reinforcers and Punishers versus Incentives 308

Objective and Subjective Incentive Value 310

Positive and Negative Incentives 311

Section Recap 314

Factors that Affect Incentive Value 315

Amount 315

Internal States Determine Incentive Value 316

Rate of Reinforcement 317

Contrast Effects 318

Temporal Motivation Theory 321

Section Recap 326

Intrinsic Motivation 327

Differences between Extrinsic and Intrinsic Motivation 328

Purpose of Intrinsically Motivated Behavior 328

Interaction between Extrinsic and Intrinsic Motivation 330

Motivational Orientation 333

Section Recap 334

Glossary 334

References 336

11

Goal Motivation

341

Origins of Goals 341

From Possible End-States to Goals 342

Sources of Goals 345

Section Recap 348

Goal Characteristics and Expectations 348

Motivating Characteristics of Goals 349

Expectancy Value Theory and Expected Utility Theory 351

Framing 353

Prospect Theory 354

Section Recap 355

C O N T E N T S

xiv

Goal Commitment, Planning, and Achievement 356

Committing to a Goal 356

Planning to Achieve a Goal 358

Progress toward Goal Achievement 358

Activating Goal Achievement Behavior 362

Goal Achievement and Goal Failure 363

Goal Achievement without Awareness 365

Section Recap 367

Glossary 368

References 370

12

Economics of Motivation

375

Motivation Costs and Resources 375

Costs of Motivated Behavior 376

Effort Discounting 379

Motivation Resources 381

Section Recap 384

Function of Fatigue 385

Self-Control Strength 385

Fatigue Motivates Alternative Behaviors 386

Section Recap 388

Spending Motivation Resources 388

Demand Law 389

Elasticity 390

Elasticity and the Substitution Effect 391

Section Recap 393

Motivation toward Least Effort 394

Early Views on Effort and Motivation 394

Choices Based on Least Effort 395

Behavior and Thought Based on Least Effort 398

Section Recap 401

Glossary 402

References 403

13

Emotions and Moods

407

Characteristics and Categories of Emotions 407

What Is an Emotion? 408

Methods for Uncovering Basic Emotions 411

Characteristics of Emotion 415

Intensity and Duration of Emotions 419

Section Recap 422

C O N T E N T S

xv

The Function of Arousal 422

James–Lange Theory 423

Cognitive Arousal Theory 426

Cannon’s Theory of Arousal 428

Arousal Helps Construct an Emotion 429

Section Recap 429

Moods 430

Differences between Moods and Emotions 430

Measurement of Moods 430

Factors that Affect Mood 431

Section Recap 435

Glossary 436

References 437

14

Emotions as Motives

443

Appraisal of the Emotion Event 443

Characteristics of the Emotion-Inducing Event 444

Event–Appraisal–Emotion Sequence 445

The Appraisal Process 447

Section Recap 452

Emotions Motivate Facial Expressions 452

Expression–Feeling Link 452

Innateness of Facial Expression of Emotion 453

Function of Facial Expression 456

Section Recap 460

The Motivating Function of Emotions 461

Emotions as Motives for Behavior 461

Emotions as Motives for Cognitive Activity 462

Motivational Nature of Positive Emotions 466

Section Recap 470

Glossary 470

References 471

Index

477

C O N T E N T S

xvi

Preface

TO INSTRUCTORS

In this text, motivation means “to be moved into action,” or, for a more cognitive orientation,

to be moved into cognition, feeling, and action. If motivation refers to inducement of action,

feelings, and thought, then what is the source of this inducement? As conveyed by the title, this

book provides answers by describing biological, psychological, and environmental sources of

motivation. Biological refers to the material aspects of the body, nervous system, and brain.

Psychological refers to drives, psychological needs, and personality traits. Environmental sources

are composed of incentives and goals. The anticipation of their occurrence motivates behavior.

These domains of motivation guided the selection of the eclectic topics that are covered in this

text. There are a vast number of topics that could be included in the study of motivation. After

all, the task of psychology is to describe behavior and cognition and the circumstances in which

they occur. The study of motivation in its many guises attempts to describe and explain how

this happens.

FIFTH EDITION

The fifth edition continues with the same eclectic approach as the four prior editions but with

many changes and updates. There are over 225 new references that describe many new topics,

findings, and theories about motivation and emotion. Older topics that are no longer current

have been deleted to provide space for this newer material. In addition, each chapter contains

its own glossary. This new edition also contains many web addresses, which have been checked

for accuracy and accessibility, where students can find additional information about a topic.

xvii

TO STUDENTS

Motivation refers to the “why” of behavior, not the “how.” Why do we engage in certain behaviors

and have certain feelings and thoughts but not others? Do some events motivate us while other

events do not? I hope that reading this book will provide answers and contribute to your self-

discovery. It may help you understand what motivates some of your behaviors and not others

and what motivates some individuals but not others. By applying the principles of motivation,

a person can institute self-change. Are there ways you wish to behave, or do you act in ways

that you wish you didn’t? In the process of change, do people change the environment or alter

something about themselves in order to make these changes happen? Perhaps you will find insights

and answers in the following pages.

P R E F A C E

xviii

Acknowledgments

I would like to acknowledge that trying to understand the “why” of behavior is probably one

of the most fascinating endeavors that a person can pursue. Thanks to Ball State University, it

has been possible for me to do this. I would like to thank all former students in my motivation

and emotion course who read the book and provided feedback. An appreciation also goes to

my former colleagues, Thomas Holtgraves, David Perkins, Stephanie Simon-Dack, Anjolii Diaz,

and Guy Mittleman, who were sounding boards for my ideas. An expression of gratitude goes

to my wife, Cindy Ruman, for her expertise and help.

xix

CHAPTER 1

Introduction to Motivation

and Emotion

“There’s no free will,” says the philosopher; “to hang is most unjust.” “There is no free

will,” assents the officer; “we hang because we must.”

Ambrose Bierce, 1911

Whether you think you can, or think you can’t, you’re right.

Henry Ford, 1863–1947

To prepare the groundwork for motivation and emotion, consider these questions:

1. What is the definition of motivation?

2. What is the difference between motives, incentives, and goals?

3. Does motivation consist of anticipating future events, future behaviors, and future feelings?

4. How is motivation reflected in thinking and behaving?

5. What is emotion? How does it motivate behavior?

6. How is research conducted in motivation and emotion?

MEANING OF MOTIVATION

When their train engine broke down in the story The Little Engine That Could, the toy dolls

asked various passing engines if they would pull their train the remaining distance over the

1

I N T R O D U C T I O N T O M O T I V A T I O N A N D E M O T I O N

2

mountain to the next town. This was their goal. Shiny New Engine came, and the dolls asked

it to pull their train. Shiny New Engine replied, “I pull the likes of you? Indeed not!” Later, Big

Strong Engine came by, and the dolls asked it to pull their train. Big Strong Engine very

importantly said, “I won’t pull the likes of you!” Subsequently, Rusty Old Engine chugged by,

and the dolls asked it for help. Rusty Old Engine complained of being tired and answered, “I

cannot.” Soon Little Blue Engine passed along. Although not very strong, it was moved by the

tearful pleading of the dolls and importance of the goal of getting the train to the town. While

working hard going up the mountain, Little Blue Engine repeated the famous line, “I think I

can” over and over, and on achieving the goal, finished by saying, “I thought I could” over and

over (Piper, 1954/1961). The difference among the engines illustrates the differences between

could (can) and would (will). Shiny New Engine and Big Strong Engine undoubtedly could but

would not; they were not motivated to do the job. They were not moved by the pleading of

the toy dolls or by the goal of getting the goods over the mountain. Rusty Old Engine perhaps

would but could not. It may have been motivated to do the job but lacked the capability to do

so. Only Little Blue Engine both could and, more importantly, would. It was both capable and

motivated to do so.

Are people like the trains in the story? Must they be both motivated and capable for goal-

directed behavior to occur? Is motivation linked to internal events such as wants, desires, and

emotions as well as to external events such as incentives and goals? Are the characteristics of

could and can linked to ability and knowledge?

To Be Moved into Action

Consider the implication for motivation of the following statements:

Hunger drives a person to raid the refrigerator for food.

Music provides the impulse to dance.

The residence hall students enjoyed playing volleyball Sunday afternoon.

If you pay your credit card bill on time, then you will avoid an interest charge.

Students attend classes at the university in order to earn a bachelor’s degree.

The individuals in these examples, who ate, danced, played volleyball, paid their bills when due,

and attended classes, were motivated to do so. Individuals who did not were not motivated to

do so or were motivated to do something else. According to the philosopher Arthur Schopenhauer

(1841/1960), to be motivated is to be moved into action, or into a change in action. It comes

from being pushed by the past and pulled by the future. The past resides in our internal motives

and the future exists in anticipated external goals and incentives. The past and future define three

categories of motivation: motive, goal, and incentive. A motive is a person’s relatively stable

internal disposition to be concerned with and approach positive incentives and avoid negative

incentives (Atkinson, 1958/1983; McClelland, 1987). For example, people have a stable disposition

or motive to eat over their lifetime. Sometimes the motive to eat can be strong, which occurs

when a person is hungry. A goal is represented as the internal image of a future outcome that

a person plans to achieve: an end-state. A goal guides the behavior necessary for achievement.

For instance, students have an image of their goal of graduating from a university. This image

guides the academic behavior necessary to achieve that goal. People’s goals can stem from their

motives. The goal of a motive is the satisfaction of that motive (Atkinson, 1958/1983; McClelland,

1987). For instance, hunger motivates eating because that achieves the goal of satisfying hunger.

Similarly, gaining friends is the goal of the need to affiliate because friends satisfy that need. An

incentive is an anticipated reward or aversive event available in the environment. It is also

contingent on behavior, which means that a person must perform the prescribed behavior to

attain or avoid it. Goals and incentives are connected. While goals are the focus of motivation,

incentives can contribute to that motivation. Incentives contribute by making a goal seem more

attractive or valuable. For instance, grades, parental approval, and feelings of self-esteem are

positive incentives that help motivate (incentivize) a student to work toward the goal of

graduation. A late charge is a negative incentive that helps motivate the goal of prompt bill

paying. Sometimes, however, the distinction between motives and incentives or goals is not clear.

For example, in a murder mystery, detectives may ask, “What was the perpetrator’s motive?”

when they meant to say, “What was the goal of the crime?” In life, the motivation of behavior

is a function of all three: motives, goals, and incentives.

Push and pull. Is motivation the result of being pushed, pulled, and their combination? The

Little Blue Engine’s motive (desire) pushed it to the next town, while the importance of that

destination pulled it there. Likewise, motives (desire, want, longing) push individuals toward

some end-state while external objects, referred to as incentives and goals, pull individuals there.

Figure 1.1 illustrates this push/pull view of motivation toward different end-states. A person’s

internal disposition specifies the nature of this end-state or goal. Internal dispositions may consist

of biological motives such as hunger, psychological motives such as the need to belong, or a

value system that confers worth on an incentive or goal. Figure 1.1 illustrates that hunger pushes

a person toward a goal of eating food and a psychological need to belong pushes a person toward

a goal of being with good friends or family members. In addition, a person’s values determine

I N T R O D U C T I O N T O M O T I V A T I O N A N D E M O T I O N

3

FIGURE 1.1

Push/Pull Motivation. Motives such as biological needs and psychological needs act like

a push motivation, while external incentives and goals act like a pull motivation. The actions of push/pull

bring individuals to the desired end-states.

the pulling power of a particular incentive or goal, such as the value placed on a university

degree. From the combination of push and pull, individuals are motivated toward the appropriate

end, where motives and goals become linked together. There, for example, eating satisfies hunger,

relating to others fulfills the need to belong, and completing university requirements achieves

the valued goal of graduation.

Emotions as motives. Emotions are a special case of push motivation. For example, fear, anger,

disgust, and sadness push individuals toward end-states defined by the aim of the emotion.

However, those end-states also act like goals and pull the individual. An emotion is a universal

integrated reaction that involves channels of behavior, thoughts, feelings, and physiological

responses. These channels function in unison to effectively cope with a challenging environmental

event and thus enhance an individual’s chances of survival (Keltner & Shiota, 2003). First, notice

that several channels or response variables are motivated to occur in an integrated manner to

achieve the aim (or goal) of the emotion. An emotion involves physiological changes that make

behavior possible, while it also guides thought processes and provides the subjective feel of the

emotion. Second, the integrated set of responses is designed to aid survival as individuals deal

with environmental demands, such as danger, a blocked goal, or a significant loss. Finally, emotions

are universal, which implies that all people experience them similarly.

Purpose of a Motivation Psychology

Can there be grand theories of motivation that would apply equally to everyone, such as the

law of gravity? For example, imagine a tall, heavy person and a short, light person jumping,

simultaneously, off the high platform into the swimming pool. Regardless of their difference in

height and weight, both will hit the water simultaneously. A simple explanation is based on the

law of gravity; it applies equally to all objects regardless of their size or weight. Unfortunately

for psychology, things are not so simple. What motivates a person at one time may not do so at

another time. And, what motivates one person may not motivate another.

For example, food motivates people to eat when they are hungry but less so when they are

not hungry. Furthermore, the motivation for eating may be greater for heavier people, since they

require a greater number of calories compared to lighter people. Figure 1.2a shows that at a

party, you might eat 10 potato chips when hungry but only five when you are not (Sadoul et al.,

2014). Furthermore, at that party one person may eat more than another, even if they are equally

hungry. For example, people may differ in their level of extraversion. This variable about a person’s

sociability ranges from introversion (quiet, withdrawn) to extraversion (bold, talkative). Figure

1.2b shows, for instance, that an extraverted individual being sociable and talkative might eat 10

chips, compared to five by a less sociable or introverted individual (Keller & Siegrist, 2015). But,

if different people are motivated differently at different times, then how is it possible to develop

a psychology of motivation? The answer is that psychologists attempt to show how motivation

varies within a person at different times or among different people at the same time. Thus, one

research strategy is to show how motivated behavior changes with temporary changes in a person’s

internal motives, such as hungry versus not hungry (see Figure 1.2a). A second research strategy

is to show how motivated behavior varies among different individuals, such as introverts versus

extraverts (Figure 1.2b).

I N T R O D U C T I O N T O M O T I V A T I O N A N D E M O T I O N

4

Motivation as Anticipation of the Future

Think of motivation as a journey that takes you to an end-state or destination of your choosing.

This journey idea implies that individuals are capable of looking ahead and visualizing their

future. In fact, philosophers and early psychologists have long been aware that humans are

motivated by the anticipated outcomes of their actions. In the first general psychology book,

from 1797 (Hatfield, 1998), Anthropology from a Pragmatic Point of View, Immanuel Kant (1797/

1978) describes the faculty of foreseeing. “Among all the prospects which man can have, the

most comforting is, on the basis of his present moral condition, to look forward to something

permanent and to further progress toward a still better prospect” (p. 78). A person may never

have experienced the event before, but may have thought about various aspects of it.

Figure 1.1 illustrates motivation as being pushed or pulled toward end-states that highlight

things, behaviors, or feelings. For example, the end-state can be a thing such as food, a behavior

such as eating food, or a feeling such as the pleasure that food provides. However, an intermediate

step has been left out. An individual is motivated not by the actual end-state but by the expectation

and anticipation of it. People go to a restaurant expecting that food is there, visit family and

friends expecting their need to belong will be satisfied, and attend universities expecting to earn

a degree. If the end-states in Figure 1.1 are not expected, then the behaviors will not occur.

Motivation can depend on things or entities. Thus, why enter a restaurant, visit friends, or enroll

in a university if things or entities such as food, friends, and a degree are not expected? Motivation

can also depend on visualizing the end-state as consummatory (to consummate = to finish)

I N T R O D U C T I O N T O M O T I V A T I O N A N D E M O T I O N

5

0

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

Not hungry

Hungry

Number of chips eaten

Same person at two different

times

0

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

Introvert

Extravert

Number of chips eaten

Two different people at same

time

FIGURE 1.2A

Eating Varies within Individuals.

An individual eats more when hungry compared

to when not hungry.

FIGURE 1.2B

Eating Varies among Individuals. One

individual eats more than another; an extravert eats

more at a party than an introvert does.

behavior, which signals the end of the motivational sequence. The consummatory behaviors in

Figure 1.1 are eating, associating or being with others, or graduating. Finally, the end-state could

consist of the subjective feelings that are part of consummatory behavior, such as the pleasure

of eating, the happiness from relating to others, and the pride felt on graduation. Sometimes,

however, the expectation or anticipation of the end-state receives little attention or occurs below

the level of awareness. Habits are examples of behaviors that occur with little conscious awareness

of their end-states. Psychologists have used various types of analyses to account for motivation

in terms of expecting an end-state or goal. Cognitive analyses, behavioral anticipation, and

affective devices are broad views of how to understand motivation.

Cognitive motivation. The pizza restaurant in Figure 1.3 illustrates the function of anticipation

in pull motivation. One pull mechanism is cognitive motivation, which works by visualizing

an end-state as a goal and executing a plan or following a script to achieve that goal (Miller et

al., 1960; Schank & Abelson, 1977). This visualization is easiest to perform for concrete aspects

of the goal and accompanying consummatory behavior (Shepard, 1978). For example, it is easy

to form a mental picture of the concrete goal in Figure 1.3: a restaurant, a pizza, and eating. To

reach the goal, however, requires a plan of action or series of behaviors to achieve it. These can

also be visualized. The plan involves a hierarchy of steps or a sequence of specific behaviors that

when performed bring individuals closer and closer to their goal (Miller et al., 1960; Schank &

Abelson, 1977). For example, if a student’s goal is to reach the restaurant, then the first stage is

to locate it on her cognitive map. The next stage is to select a route and then to walk or drive

to the restaurant until she arrives, orders, and eats.

Anticipatory behavior and simulation. Behavioral anticipation is a second mechanism by which

pull motivation occurs. Over half a century ago, neo-behaviorists formulated an anticipatory

response mechanism to account for goal motivation (Lachman, 1960; Spence, 1956). According

to this mechanism, the goal evokes excitement in the form of minuscule consummatory behaviors

that would occur to the actual goal. For example, the goal in Figure 1.3 consists of eating pizza,

which is referred to as consummatory behavior because it consummated (finished) the motivation

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What motivates a person to go to a pizza restaurant

and eat pizza?

Cognitive motivation: Visualize pizza restaurant and

follow plan to arrive there.

Anticipatory response mechanism: Stimuli that predict

arrival at the restaurant elicit responses that motivate

and guide an individual to go there.

Simulation: Visual, sensory, and behavioral imaginary

for reenactment of pizza eating. This experience

motivates and guides individuals to go to the restaurant.

Affective forecasting: Presumed pleasure from eating

pizza is pleasant and this anticipated feeling motivates

approaching the restaurant.

FIGURE 1.3

Motivation as Anticipation. Motivation for pizza involves anticipating the following: (1) Visualizing

a pizza, which is the goal object; (2) visualizing eating pizza, which is the consummatory behavior; and (3)

visualizing the pleasure of eating the pizza, which is the subjective feeling.

sequence that began with hunger, the thought of food, and choosing the restaurant. The

anticipatory response mechanism consists of imaginary responses that resemble actually eating

pizza: handling pizza, chewing, and salivating. These responses occur involuntarily to events that

predict or are associated with eating pizza, such as dinner time, rumbling of stomach, someone

saying “pizza,” pizza advertisement, and the location of the restaurant. An individual is aware of

this anticipation, which serves as a stimulus that pulls the individual toward the restaurant.

Furthermore, anticipation becomes more intense the closer a person gets to actually eating the

pizza. In this sense, the anticipatory response mechanism becomes a case of pull motivation, since

the stimuli associated with the goal pull individuals along to the pizza restaurant.

Motivation toward a specific end-state also occurs by way of simulation; an elaboration of the

anticipatory response mechanism. Simulation refers to an array of anticipated psychological

experiences that occur as if the individual were actually experiencing the end-state. These experi -

ences could consist of visualizing the end-state, mentally interacting with it, or imagining what

it would feel like (Barsalou, 2008, 2009). In addition, different aspects of simulation are linked

to different brain regions. Thus, in anticipating the various features of the end-state, their

corresponding brain areas become active. For example, in the case of food, one set of inter -

connected areas respond to the sensory and hedonic qualities of food, while other brain areas

are involved in the expected perception and interaction with food (Barr�s-Loscertales et al.,

2012; Decety & Gr�zes, 2006; Lewis, 2006; Simmons et al., 2005). In the case of simulating

the goal of eating pizza, several motivational features are present (see Figure 1.3). First, there is

the imagined perception of what the pizza looks like upon arrival at the table. Second, there

is the simulated sensory experience of smelling and eating pizza. In addition, part of the simulated

environment includes the location and social setting. All of these psychological experiences

emerge from brain regions that give rise to these visions, sensations, pleasures, and behaviors.

Thus, simulation is the psychological reenactment of an actual eating pizza experience that

motivates the individual toward the restaurant.

Affective forecasting. Anticipating how we will feel, our affect, is the fourth motivational

mechanism. Affective forecasting resembles a weather report but concerns the individual’s

expected subjective feelings of pain and pleasure in the future. These feelings arise from achieving

a goal and from the accompanying consummatory behavior, such as the pleasure of eating pizza

when hungry. Thus, affective forecasting is an important determiner of motivation, since people’s

choices and future behaviors are based on their anticipated feelings. Troland (1928/1967), for

instance, claimed that the present anticipation of future pleasure is pleasant and the present

anticipation of future pain is unpleasant. Thus, anticipating a positive goal is associated with

pleasant feelings, while expecting a negative outcome is associated with unpleasant feelings. People

are usually accurate in forecasting whether their feelings will be unpleasant or pleasant. However,

they are more likely to err in predicting the intensity and duration of those feelings (Wilson &

Gilbert, 2005).

What are the implications for errors in affective forecasting? For instance, try to forecast your

level of positive affect during a 15-minute walk on campus. This walk could either be indoors

by way of buildings and tunnels or outdoors on a path between a road and a river at the edge

of campus. Before starting out, forecast your positive affect by rating, for example, how active,

excited, and interested you would be on the indoor walk or on the outdoor walk. Then, after

completing the walk, rate your positive affect again. Figure 1.4 shows the forecasting errors that

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were made: Participants overestimated their positive affect for the indoor walk and underestimated

their positive affect for the outdoor walk (Nisbet & Zelenski, 2011). One implication is reduced

happiness that results when an individual chooses an indoor path rather than an outdoor one.

In another example, imagine being an introverted, reserved, quiet individual who is asked to act

like an extravert by being bold, talkative, and assertive. Forecast what your positive affect (excited,

interested) and your negative affect (worried, nervous) would be prior to acting in this manner.

Then rate yourself afterwards. Results of such research indicate that introverted individuals, when

required to act extraverted, underestimated their positive affect and overestimated their negative

affect (Zelenski et al., 2013). As a result of these affect prediction errors, introverted individuals

may tend to avoid social settings where extraverted behavior is expected. But in doing so they

miss opportunities for a good time.

Aspects of Motivation as a Journey

If motivation is like a journey from a current position to a selected end-state, then how is the

end-state chosen and how does an individual arrive there? The answer lies in Table 1.1. Choice,

the first consideration, refers to selecting the motive or outcome from those vying for satisfaction.

The choice becomes the goal. A senior in high school has several choices to make, including

whether to enter the armed forces, seek employment, or attend a vocational college or a university.

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0

0.5

1

1.5

2

2.5

3

3.5

Walk indoors

Walk outdoors

Mean positive affect

Forecast affect

Experienced affect

FIGURE 1.4

Predicted and Experienced Affect for a Walk. Participants made forecasting errors in how they

would feel during a walk. A walk indoors in buildings and through tunnels created less positive affect than

forecast. A walk outdoors created more positive affect than forecast.

Source: Adapted from “Underestimating Nearby Nature: Affective Forecasting Errors Obscure the Happy Path to

Sustainability” by E. K. Nisbet and J. M. Zelenski, 2011, Psychological Science, 22, Table 2, p. 1104.

Which option is chosen depends on the intensity of the motive, the attractiveness of the incentive

and goal, the likelihood of success, and the amount of effort required. However, choice is only

the first step. Next, an individual must be motivated to do what is required to realize her chosen

goal. Instrumental behaviors are those motivated activities in which a person engages to satisfy

a motive, attain an incentive, or achieve a goal. Working for money, studying to pass a test, and

acting kindly toward people are all examples of instrumental or motivated behavior. Working,

studying, and acting kindly are instrumental in earning money, passing exams, and being liked.

Often, an individual can also choose from among several different ways of satisfying a motive.

For instance, in the process of finding a job a person may choose from among reading want ads,

visiting an employment agency, accessing online job sites, attending job fairs, or consulting the

university placement office.

Instrumental behaviors that reflect motivation include activation, frequency, intensity, and

persistence (see Table 1.1). Activation may be the most basic aspect of motivation, since it indicates

being spurred into some kind of action or a change in action. For example, a person proceeds

from doing nothing to doing something, such as from sitting to walking and then to running.

Frequency refers to the rate of a particular behavior, such as class attendance, going to the gym,

or sending text messages. For example, what percentage of your classes do you attend?

How many days per week do you exercise? And how many text messages do you send per day?

Intensity or effort of behavior varies directly with motivation. For example, a person’s depth of

concentration may make him impervious to incoming text messages. Intensity may also imply

yelling rather than talking and running rather than walking across the street. Persistence or duration

refers to the amount of time a person persists in order to satisfy a motive or achieve a goal. For

example, how many years is a person willing to spend preparing for a chosen career or how

many hours for typing a course paper?

Auxiliary Assumptions about Motivation

Knowledge and competence are two hidden assumptions regarding motivation. Even if all sources

of motivation are in place, behavior may not occur if these assumptions are not met. A motive

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TABLE 1.1

Major Indicators of Motivated Behavior

Behavior

Definition and Example

Choice

What an individual actually chooses or selects from among possible alternatives. Example: a

student chooses to major in psychology rather than some other discipline.

Activation

An individual is spurred or induced into action from a previously inactive state or a change

in action or behavior. Example: a seated individual gets up and walks to class but then runs

in order not to be tardy.

Frequency

This refers to how often (rate) a specific behavior occurs during a fixed time interval.

Example: some individuals might check their email accounts five times per hour.

Intensity

This refers to the effort, exertion, force, or vigor with which motivated behavior or thought

is performed. Example: when the door did not open when pulled, he thought hard, then

pushed on it with great force.

Persistence

Also known as perseverance, it is revealed by the duration of motivated behavior. Example:

after 10 job interviews in six months without success, the applicant was finally hired after

the eleventh interview during the seventh month.

will not be satisfied or a goal will not be achieved if a person lacks the knowledge and competence

to do so.

A student may be motivated to obtain summer employment to pay tuition, to earn a university

degree, and to eventually become a practicing psychologist, but being motivated is not the sole

factor for these events to be realized. The student must also know how to accomplish these goals

and be competent or capable of doing so. Knowledge is important because it enables the

individual to evaluate potential goals, understand how to achieve them, and assess the chances

of success. Competence means being capable of performing the behavior necessary to achieve a

desired end. Thus, individuals may fail to accomplish a task because they did not know how or

were not able. For instance, what determines whether a person makes her or his bed in the

morning? Knowledge implies that a person knows how. A person must know how to make a

bed, such as straightening the covers and tucking in the sheets. Competence implies being able

to execute the behavior. An individual may not be capable of making the top bed of a triple

bunk even if he possesses the knowledge. Even with knowledge and competence, motivation is

still the impetus or reason for doing the behavior; it initiates the action. So, did you make your

bed this morning? If not, the reason most likely is a lack of motivation and not a lack of knowledge

or competence. In the study of motivation, we assume that a person has the knowledge and

competence to perform the behavior. Whether the behavior occurs, however, depends on

motivation.

Section Recap

To be motivated means to be induced or moved into action or thought toward some end-state

by either the push of a motive or the pull of an incentive or goal. A motive is an internal disposition

that pushes an individual toward a desired end-state where the motive is satisfied. A goal is the

cognitive representation of a desired outcome that an individual attempts to achieve. The goal

guides the behavior that results in achieving it. An incentive is an anticipated feature of the

environment that pulls an individual toward or away from it. Incentives enhance motivation for

goal achievement. Emotions act like motives. They motivate an individual in a coordinated fashion

along multiple channels (affect, physiology, behavior) to adapt to significant environmental

changes. The purpose of the psychology of motivation is to explain what motivates the same

person at different times and different people at the same time.

Motivation is based on anticipation of the future. It is represented by a journey, which means

that an individual tries to reach or achieve various features of an end-state, like a material goal,

consummatory behavior, or subjective feelings (affect). Consummatory behavior refers to the

completion of a motivational sequence as in eating consummates the progression of planning

and preparing a meal. End-states are anticipated by either being visualized cognitively as objects,

experienced as anticipatory behaviors, or felt as affect. Cognitive motivation involves visualizing an

end-state or goal as concrete objects, such as food or people. The anticipatory response mechanism

is an imaginary consummatory response that serves as a sign of an individual’s expectations about

the interaction with the goal object. Simulation refers to anticipating the end-state as if an

individual were actually experiencing, visualizing, or imagining it. Affective forecasting refers to

predicting positive or negative future feelings that occur in expectation of goal achievement.

These predicted feelings promote behavior toward or away from the goal. Motivation can also

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be represented as a behavioral journey that begins with the choice of a motive to be satisfied or

goal to be achieved. Once a choice is made, a person is motivated to engage in instrumental

behavior that will eventually satisfy the motive or achieve the goal. Behaviors that indicate

motivation are the choices people make plus the activation, frequency, intensity, and persistence

of behavior. Although motives and incentives are the causes of behavior, knowledge and

competence are also necessary if behavior is to occur.

SOURCES OF MOTIVATION

Motivation refers to the sequence of events that starts with motives or anticipated incentives and

goals and finishes at end-states. Here motives are satisfied, incentives are attained, and goals are

achieved. In order to understand how motivation works, scientists sometimes concentrate on a

person’s internal dispositions (motives) and sometimes on external events. In Figure 1.1, internal

dispositions are hunger, the need to belong, and the value system about a university degree. The

external events are palatable food, friends and family, and a university degree. Internal dispositions

that push are classified either as biological variables or as psychological variables, while external

sources that pull the person are labeled environmental variables—that is, as incentives and goals.

These variables compose the title of this book.

What are the biological and psychological sources of motivation? In other words, what gives

rise to motives? What are the sources of incentives and goals? That is, why do we value certain

incentives and goals over others?

Internal Sources

Internal dispositions divide into biological states (variables) and psychological states (variables)

that determine what will be motivating.

Biological variables. Biological variables refer to material characteristics of the body and brain

that serve to motivate behavior. In Figure 1.1, hunger, when considered as a biological variable,

correlates with a particular state of the human body, such as little food in the stomach, a rapid

decline in blood glucose, and the circulation of various hormones. The hormone ghrelin is an

example of a specific biological variable. Ghrelin is released in the stomach and promotes hunger

and eating. This hormone travels in the bloodstream, is high before meals, and decreases after

eating (Cummings et al., 2004). In one experiment, Wren and coresearchers (2001) injected

ghrelin into the bloodstream of one group of participants and saline (placebo) into another group.

To determine the effects of ghrelin, participants rated their hunger and then were provided a

buffet lunch, during which they could eat as much as they wanted. The results indicated that

participants given ghrelin reported greater hunger and ate more than participants infused with

saline. In addition, prior to their lunch ghrelin participants also indicated that they would eat

more.

Psychological variables. Psychological variables refer to properties of the mind, such as its motives.

These are studied indirectly through measurable indicators. For example, perspiration and smiles

are used to indicate anxiety and happiness, respectively. Psychological questionnaires can also

indicate the amount of a psychological variable, much like stepping on a bathroom scale indicates

a person’s weight. Higher scores indicate a greater amount of a psychological variable, such as a

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psychological need or motive. As a general rule, as a psychological motive increases there are

accompanying increases in the motivation for need-relevant incentives, consummatory behaviors,

and associated feelings.

For example, individuals who have an unsatisfied need to belong should prefer to work with

people who show a willingness to work with others. This willingness is exhibited by a genuine

smile compared to a polite but fake smile. Thus, individuals with an unsatisfied need to belong

should prefer individuals who show genuine smiles because those individuals would satisfy one’s

need to belong. To test this hypothesis, Bernstein and coresearchers (2010) created a strong need

to belong in their participants by having them write about an instance when they had felt

excluded and rejected. The researchers created a low need to belong by having participants write

about an instance of being included and accepted, while a neutral control group of participants

wrote about yesterday morning. Next, participants were shown a series of brief videos of

individuals exhibiting a polite but fake smile or a genuine smile. Participants indicated the degree

they wanted to work with those individuals: not at all = 1 to very much = 7. Participants with

the unsatisfied need to belong preferred to work much more with people showing genuine

smiles compared to those showing fake smiles. This preference was much less pronounced for

participants with a satisfied need to belong and for participants in the neutral group. Thus,

individuals whose need to belong had been aroused through writing about social exclusions were

more motivated to work with individuals who signaled social inclusion with a genuine smile.

How to spot genuine from fake smiles is demonstrated in the YouTube video titled “Can you

spot a fake smile?” here: www.youtube.com/watch?v=7SqlilB1w3g.

External Sources

The environment is an obvious source of motivation. Environmental variables refer to those

characteristics of incentives and goals that have the ability to attract or repel. Positive characteristics

attract or pull us toward the incentive, while unattractive ones repel us. As a general rule, incentives

and goals with higher values of attraction or repulsion are more motivating than those with

smaller values. Thus, if the value of an incentive can be determined then its motivational power

is known.

One example of the relationship between incentive value and motivation occurs between the

value of the academic experience and student behavior, such as attending classes and studying.

With a questionnaire approach, students could be asked the extent they found their coursework

interesting, valuable, and important, and if they had reasons for doing it. Using such an approach,

Legault and coresearchers (2006) found that declines in the value of schoolwork were associated

with lower GPAs, less time spent studying, and greater intentions to drop out. An instance of

the perceived value of university courses refers to their perceived instrumentality—that is, their

function in rendering future rewards (Miller & Brickman, 2004). The instrumental value of a

course is measured by requiring students to rate such statements as “Good grades lead to other

things that I want (e.g., money, graduation, good job, certification)” (Greene et al., 1999, p. 431).

Higher endorsements of such statements reflect a greater valuation of academic courses.

Researchers have found that students earned higher grades in more valued courses (Greene

et al., 1999) and indicated a greater willingness to do the required academic work (Miller et al.,

1999).

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Linking Biological, Psychological, and Environmental

Variables

How do these biological, psychological, and environmental variables motivate behavior and

thought? Scientists examine the mind and brain and their interaction with the environment to

find answers to this question. Consider a classic topic in the study of motivation: the relationship

between hunger and eating. Will the mind, brain, or the environment provide an understanding

of the motivation for this common behavior? An environmental factor that contributes to hunger

is food deprivation. People’s personal experiences plus research show that longer periods of food

deprivation increase the psychological value of food, the amount eaten, and efforts to obtain

food (Polivy, 1996; Raynor & Epstein, 2001). Food deprivation also produces a number of

psychological sensations related to hunger. These sensations are measured with scales that ask:

How hungry are you? How much can you eat? How full do you feel? How strong is your desire

to eat? These sensations of hunger increase with the time that has elapsed since a person’s last

meal (Friedman et al., 1999). Furthermore, stronger hunger sensations are associated with eating

more food or more food energy (Sadoul et al., 2014). Do these psychological sensations of hunger

have parallel events that occur in the body and brain?

The brain and mind are intertwined. According to the concept of reductionism, the mind’s

psychological processes can be reduced to the activity of billions of neurons in the brain. Neurons

are cells that specialize in conducting electrical impulses. The brain’s neurons receive infor mation

about the environment and information about the body. They process this information and com -

municate it via these electrical impulses among different parts of the brain. This communi cation

is possible because neurons are interconnected to one another via complex networks. For example,

neurons process and communicate information about the body’s energy stores, about hunger sensa -

tions, and about the availability of food. However, neurons also require energy to perform their

task of communication. Just as a car uses fuel when its engine is idling, a brain at rest uses fuel

also. Furthermore, as a car uses more fuel when driven, the brain also uses more fuel in locations

where its neurons are most active. Scientists use this feature of energy expenditure to determine

what brain areas are currently processing information. For example, what areas of the brain show

increased energy use that corresponds with hunger, the anticipation of food, and the pleasure of

eating? Two procedures, known as brain imaging techniques, are able to measure increased energy

use in active areas of the brain. One procedure is positron emission tomography (PET scan). It produces

a three-dimensional picture indicating areas of the brain that are most active. The picture is obtained

by measuring positrons. These are particles emitted by radioactive substances that have been injected

into a person’s bloodstream and carried to the brain. The particles concentrate in those brain areas

that have the highest blood flow for transporting oxygen or the highest utilization of glucose.

Another procedure for detecting brain activity makes use of functional magnetic resonance imaging

(fMRI). This technique obtains high-resolution images of the brain from energy waves that are

emitted from hydrogen atoms, which are released when the brain is surrounded by a strong

magnetic field. The energy waves are influenced by the amount of oxygen in the blood of brain

tissue. Increased blood flow and oxygen as detected by the fMRI indicate an active brain area.

Brain scanning techniques are demonstrated in the YouTube video titled “Discovering the

Human Brain: New Pathways to Neuroscience (Davidson Films, Inc.)” here: www.youtube.com/

watch?v=RREoQJUHSYE.

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Reductionism is the process of linking psychological events to brain events. Scales and behaviors

reflect psychological events, while PET scans and fMRIs measure brain events. Reductionism

links the two events together. However, the brain is a basic biological entity and psychological

events are reduced to it. For instance, the measurements of various hunger sensations are reducible

to parallel events that happen in the brain. The brain monitors various substances in a person’s

blood, stomach, and small intestine in order to determine the level of the body’s energy supply.

Changes in the brain’s registration regarding the amount of these substances parallel the ratings

of various hunger sensations (Lemmens et al., 2011; Page et al., 2011). Furthermore, activity in

certain brain areas predicts the amount of food consumption. For example, Nolan-Poupart and

coresearchers (2013) had participants rate the pleasantness of a milkshake while simultaneously

scanning their brains with an fMRI. Following the scanning procedure, participants were offered

a milkshake to drink. The amount of milkshake consumption was predicted by activity in the

center of the brain and in the orbitofrontal area, which is located behind the forehead. These

results demonstrate the explanation of behavior via reductionism. The amount of milkshake

consumed was reduced to or explained by the increased activity of neurons located in those

brain areas. Applying reductionism to psychology means that the motivation of behavior may be

reduced down to the activity of neurons in the brain. However, way more than this is required

for understanding motivation. We also need to consider the role of cognitive activities and of

characteristics of the environment.

But what if the workings of the brain do not reach consciousness—that is, we do not experience

hunger sensation? Are we still motivated to eat? According to the concept of emergence, the

brain’s neuronal activity issues forth mental processes—that is, the mind is an emergent property

of the brain. Based on emergence, the status of the body’s energy supply emerges as hunger in

a person’s consciousness. Some parts of the brain have a more crucial role in the emergence of

hunger, such as the orbitofrontal cortex (Malik et al., 2008). The mind-versus-brain distinction

is important because scientists sometimes use the mind and sometimes the brain to explain the

motivation of behavior. For example, hunger is a feeling in the mind that determines how

motivated a person is to eat. Yet, the amount of food in the stomach or other bodily indicators

of energy are registered by the brain. These bodily events also determine the motivation to eat.

In the first example, the mind is used; in the second, the brain is used to explain the motivation

of hunger and eating.

The Past as a Source of Motivation

Recall that internal dispositions refer to biological and psychological motives that push individuals

into action. But how did biological and psychological motives develop and what are their

function? Recall, also, that environmental variables describe the value of incentives and their

ability to attract or repel. How do values concerning incentives develop?

Evolutionary and personal history. Push motivation depends on characteristics of the body, brain,

and mind—that is, on biological variables and on psychological variables. These two variables are

the result of our evolutionary history and personal history. Evolutionary history, or the remote

past, refers to the effects of millions of years of natural selection in shaping motives and emotions

that aided survival of the individual and the species. As a consequence of natural selection, relevant

motives or emotions increase in frequency in the population. For example, motives that promote

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eating and drinking aid the survival of the individual, while motives that promote sexual behavior

help perpetuate the human species. The emotion of fear motivates individuals to avoid danger

or dangerous animals such as black widow spiders, pythons, and Komodo dragons.

The field of evolutionary psychology attempts to understand current human behavior by

relating it to our evolutionary past (Buss, 2015; Cosmides & Tooby, 2006). Applying evolutionary

psychology to motivation is an attempt to describe and understand the origin of psychological

motives through natural selection. How do biological and psychological motives aid the survival

of the individual or humans in general? Fear of snakes, gender differences in what provokes

jealousy, the universal appeal of music, and our preferences for sweets are all examples of behaviors

that evolutionary psychologists have tried to explain in terms of natural selection. In other words,

these motives presumably evolved because they aided human survival.

Personal history, in contrast, refers to an individual’s experience from conception to the present.

These experiences help shape an individual’s motives and value system that involves determining

the utility of goals and incentives. Utility refers to how useful something is to increase satisfaction

and happiness, and decrease dissatisfaction. The greater an item’s utility, the greater its value.

Utility becomes an important explanatory concept when the incentive or goal is not linked to

any obvious psychological or biological motive as in the case of money and course grades. Value

or amount of utility is the pulling quality of an incentive or goal. Individuals learn that $100 is

more valuable or useful than $10 and that an A grade is more valuable or useful than a B. The

greater value determines that individuals are motivated to labor longer for $100 than for $10

and to study harder for an A than for a B.

Individual differences. Psychological differences among people provide a challenge in determining

what motivates them. People with different psychological needs and different personality traits

are motivated differently. Figure 1.2b illustrated this idea by showing that introverts reacted

differently, by eating fewer chips than extraverts ate. In addition, individual differences in

motivation become apparent from the fact that humans create the environments in which they

live. According to Bandura’s (2006) agentic theory, rather than merely reacting, humans also

intentionally create the circumstances of their lives. People are not slaves to their environments

and instead seek out or create environments to satisfy their different psychological motives ( John

& Robins, 1993; Winter et al., 1998). For example, one could speculate that most individuals

who possess a stable need to belong will seek careers that will allow them to affiliate with others

(Winter et al., 1998). In the case of people who differ in the level of extraversion, extraverts are

more likely to prefer large parties than introverts are likely to prefer (Argyle & Lu, 1990).

Combined Internal and External Sources Motivate Behavior

The push/pull metaphor of motivation also suggests that internal and external sources combine

to motivate behavior in both animals and humans. This joint effect is illustrated by the combined

effects of a thirst drive (motive) and a water reward. Kintsch (1962), for example, produced

various levels of a thirst drive by limiting rats’ access to water. He then conditioned rats to run

to the end of an alley, where different amounts of a water reward were available. The rats’

response speed depended on the combined effects of the thirst drive and water reward. Notice

in Figure 1.5 that rats responded fastest with a high thirst drive and a high water reward.

Responding was slowest for the combination of a low thirst drive and small water reward. As a

general rule, as the size of the internal motive (thirst drive) and external reward (water) increases,

motivated behavior increases.

The interacting effects of motives and incentives are much more complicated for humans. For

instance, the same substance can serve as both. This dual effect occurs for money and food. Money

deprivation can produce a motive that affects the value of food and food deprivation can produce

a motive that affects the value of money. Money, obviously, can be used to buy food in order to

satisfy hunger. So, as a person’s hunger increases she is willing to spend more money for food.

Yet, the reverse also seems to be true; hunger determines the incentive value of money. To illustrate,

Briers and coresearchers (2006, exp. I) compared hungry and sated men for their willingness to

donate money to charity. The results showed that hungry men were less likely to donate to charity

than nonhungry men were likely to do. In experiment 2, the researchers induced hunger in female

participants with the scent of freshly baked brownies. The results showed that hungry participants

were less likely to donate money as part of a computer game than nonhungry participants were

willing to donate. Thus, in both experiments hunger increased the incentive value of money.

Because money was now considered more valuable, participants were less willing to part with it.

In experiment 3, a desire for money was manipulated by asking both male and female participants

to “list all of the things they would dream of buying if they won” a lottery. The dream of winning

a large lottery (25,000 euros, about $26,500) presumably created a strong motive, while the dream

of winning a small lottery (25 euros, about $26.50) presumably created a weak motive for money.

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FIGURE 1.5

Drive and Reward Motivate Behavior. On the left, starting speed increases as the magnitude of

the thirst drive increases. On the right, starting speed increases as the magnitude of the water reward increases.

Response speed was fastest when high thirst drive combined with high water reward, and was slowest when

low drive combined with low reward.

Source: From “Runway Performance as a Function of Drive Strength and Magnitude of Reinforcement” by W. Kintsch,

1962, Journal of Comparative and Physiological Psychology, 55, Figures 1 and 2, p. 883. Copyright 1962 by American

Psychological Association.

Then as part of a taste test, participants were allowed to eat as many M&M candies as they wanted.

Participants with a strong motive for money ate more M&Ms than did participants with a weak

motive. In this case, an increase in the motive for money was associated with an increase in the

value of food (M&Ms) and consequently participants ate more.

The results in Figures 1.5 and 1.2a and those of the preceding paragraph about hunger and

money illustrate why motivated behavior comes and goes. Behavior depends on internal states,

which determine what incentives motivate behavior. Internal states refer to an individual’s inner

feelings (states), such as sleepiness, hunger, thirst, warm/cold, pain, sexual arousal, boredom,

excitement, drug withdrawal, or an emotional feeling. It is as if the pulling power of an incentive

depends on those states. For example, a person is pulled to food when hungry, to a sweater when

cold, to a bed when sleepy, and to safety when afraid. The draw of those incentives will be negligible

in the absence of hunger, cold, sleepiness, and fear. In this manner, what is motivating is constantly

changing because people’s internal states are constantly changing. Figure 1.2a illustrated this idea.

Other incentives, on the other hand, motivate behavior independent of internal states and instead

rely on a more stable value system. Thus, how motivated an individual is to obtain shoes,

a smartphone, a tablet, or a college education depends on what those are worth—that is, how

much value is placed on the utility of those items. So the study of motivation is to determine

how internal states and value systems link up with external events. These links motivate behavior.

Emotions

Sensations such as cold, hot, thirst, hunger, and pain can invade a person’s consciousness.

These sensations serve to motivate specific actions in order to alleviate their unpleasantness. In

addition to these sensations, however, there are other distinct feelings that serve as a source of

motivation. These are known as emotional feelings or affect, such as happy, love, sad, anger, fear,

shame, and disgust. Like the word motivation, which means to be moved into action, the term

emotion, from the Latin word emovere, means to move out. When people experience an emotion,

they are ready to move in a certain way (Leeper, 1948), as if emotional feelings ready a person

for actions that are crucial for the experienced emotion (Frijda, 1986, 2007). The action is

motivated to achieve the goal of the emotion. Thus, when experiencing anger in an unpleasant

situation, for example, a person may be moved to verbally or physically aggress toward an intended

target (Berkowitz & Harmon-Jones, 2004). But when experiencing an opposite emotion, say

fear, a person is moved to behave differently, such as to withdraw in order not to incur harm.

The behaviors differ because the goals of anger and fear differ.

Section Recap

The sources of motivation are either internal in the case of push motivation or external in the

case of pull motivation. For push motivation, biological variables describe a person’s brain and

nervous system while psychological variables describe properties of a person’s mind, such as

psychological needs. Biological and psychological variables are conceptually linked through

reductionism and emergence. Reductionism is the principle that concepts from psychology can be

explained by reducing them to principles based on the body’s physiology or brain. Emergence is

the reverse of reductionism and represents the view that the brain’s neuronal processes generate

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17

psychological feelings, which can motivate people to act. Environmental variables describe

external sources of motivation, such as the value or utility of an incentive or goal. As value or

utility increases, motivation increases. Motivation has different origins. One is the evolutionary

history of humans, which embraces our remote past. The purpose of evolutionary psychology is to

describe and explain motivated behavior in terms of human evolution. Personal history refers to

a person’s lifelong experiences that shape a person’s motives and determine the utility of goals

and incentives. Utility is the ability of a goal to increase satisfaction and happiness and decrease

dissatisfaction and unhappiness. Motivation also depends on stable individual differences, such as

psychological needs and personality traits. In addition, people do not merely react but also act

by anticipating, selecting, creating, or altering their environments according to agentic theory.

Internal sources like drives and needs interact with external sources like incentives and goals to

motivate behavior. Furthermore, the same substance can serve as a drive source in one situation

and an incentive in another. Motivation by an incentive depends on the internal state of the

individual as when food motivates behavior provided a person is hungry. The Latin word emovere

(to move out) is the origin of the word emotion. Emotions also serve as motives. When a person

experiences an emotional feeling she is ready to act in a manner that motivates her to accomplish

the aim of the emotion.

STUDY OF MOTIVATION AND EMOTION

For individuals to determine what motivates their behavior, they need only observe the link between

it and prior events. The philosopher Ren� Descartes made this recommendation in 1649 regarding

the study of emotions. Everyone feels emotions, and so there is no need to make use of observations

about emotions from elsewhere. Similarly, the philosopher Jeremy Bentham (1789) made observations

regarding aspects of incentive motivation 90 years before the beginning of a science of psychology

in 1879 (Boring, 1965). According to Bentham, characteristics of stimuli such as intensity, duration,

certainty, and closeness enhance pleasure and thus increase their power of motivation. However,

there are several problems with relying on personal insights or those of philosophers to uncover

principles of motivation and emotion. For example, is what is true of one individual also true of

another? Are people aware of all of the events that motivate their behavior? How certain can

individuals be about what motivates their behavior? Psychology as the science of cognitive processes

and behavior can help answer these questions. The content of this book is based on information

that was obtained by psychology’s use of the scientific method.

Imagine the goal of earning a coupon from a fast-food restaurant versus earning a bachelor’s

degree. Both goals motivate behavior, but they cannot be investigated in the same manner. A

psychologist can study the extent a food coupon motivates performance on some laboratory

task. For instance, how many anagrams or arithmetic problems will a participant solve in 10

minutes in order to earn a coupon? However, studying how a bachelor’s degree motivates behavior

over several years cannot be done in the laboratory. In this case, it is necessary to use questionnaires

and survey a group of students over a number of semesters. Perhaps it will be discovered that

the likelihood of earning a bachelor’s degree depends on how intrinsically motivated students

are to study the material in their classes. Thus, all questions about motivation cannot be studied

with the same method.

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18

Conduct the following thought experiment: Re-create in your mind as vividly as possible a

situation in which you were greatly embarrassed. Now concentrate on these memories long and

hard. Do you feel embarrassed all over again? Is your face getting warm and red? Would this be

an effective way to study emotions by re-creating them from memory? Maybe you are not feeling

this emotion at the same intensity but only as a weak reminder of what you originally experi -

enced. If psychologists wanted to study intense emotions, it would not be ethical to embarrass,

frighten, or anger someone in a laboratory to study these emotions. It might be possible to study

mildly felt emotions in the laboratory, but extremely intense emotions likely would have to be

investigated as they occur naturally in people’s lives.

Research in Motivation

Psychologists use two different methods to research motivation and emotion. Experimental research

is usually conducted in a laboratory. It involves manipulating a motivational variable to determine

the effects on any behaviors, such as those described in Table 1.1. Correlational research, in contrast,

is different, since it does not manipulate a variable. Instead, it involves measuring an existing

motivational variable to determine how the measured values are associated with behavioral

indicators of motivation from Table 1.1. Whether experimental or correlational research is

employed depends on the phenomenon being investigated but also on the feasibility and ethics

of doing so.

Experimental versus correlational research. An experimental variable is one whose values are

created. For instance, an experimenter can establish different values of incentives and goals, such

as a $1 versus a $10 incentive or an easy versus difficult goal. A correlational variable is one

whose values already exist. Researchers only measure preexisting values of a correlational variable,

such as measuring people to classify them as introverts or extraverts. For example, both experimental

and correlational variables were employed during an investigation of how introverts and extraverts

react to leisurely activities (Matz et al., 2016). The experimental variable defined the activities:

one involved spending a $10 voucher on buying a book and reading it. The other activity involved

spending a $10 voucher at a bar while remaining there. The correlational variable considered

differences among people in terms of their level of extraversion. A personality test measured a

participant’s level of extraversion before the start of the investigation. Based on this measurement,

introverts were defined as individuals who performed in the bottom third of the test and extraverts

in the top third. Do individuals react differently to the bookstore versus bar experience? And

does this difference depend on whether the individuals are introverted or extraverted?

People’s reaction to the bookstore or bar experience is the dependent variable. A dependent

variable refers to behavior that depends on the experimental variable but is only assumed to

be associated with the correlational variable. In the bookstore versus bar experiment, the

dependent variable consisted of the participants’ subjective reaction to receiving the voucher,

using it, and then staying at the bookstore or bar. Participants rated their positive affect on several

adjectives both before and after each experience. For example, how happy are you now on a 1

to 5 scale? Introverts and extraverts reacted differently to the bookstore versus bar. Figure 1.6

shows that introverts had a strong increase in positive affect to the bookstore experience and a

slight decrease to the bar experience. Extraverts, on the other hand, had a mild increase in positive

affect to both experiences. The correlational variable of extraversion shows one way that people

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19

differ in what motivates them. In this case, introverts strongly prefer to go to bookstores rather

than bars, while extraverts are content in both places.

Feasibility and ethics. It is neither feasible nor ethical to study some motivational phenomena

in the psychology laboratory. In experimental research, different intensities of a motive can be

created to determine how this will affect behavior. However, there is a limit to how intense the

motive can be. With correlational research, a greater range of motive intensities is possible. Many

motives occur naturally, and their intensity is measured along with changes in behavior. One

question that arises is whether the results from laboratory experiments are the same as those

from correlational studies done in natural settings. Anderson and associates (1999) have concluded

that research from laboratory studies and from natural settings provides similar results.

The questions about feasibility and ethics arise, for example, in research on the effects of hunger

on behavior. Different degrees of hunger can be created experimentally or can be measured from

the amount that people experience voluntarily. For example, does food deprivation produce an

image of food that guides the search for food (Warden, 1931)? Would the strength of the image

and the motivation for food change with the degree of hunger? But how long could human

participants practically and ethically be deprived of food to study this? Because of practicality

and ethics, these two questions may be answerable partly in the psychology laboratory and partly

from events that happen in the world. Some motivation experiments are appropriate in the

psychology laboratory because the conditions studied are not too severe for the human

participants. Biner and associates (1995, 1998) manipulated hunger by asking one group of students

not to eat breakfast or lunch and asking another group to eat both meals prior to reporting for

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-2

-1

0

1

2

3

4

5

Introverts

Extraverts

Change in positive affect to being in

a bookstore or bar

Level of extraversion

Bookstore Bar

FIGURE 1.6

Introverts and Extraverts React Differently. Introverts exhibited a strong increase in positive affect to

the bookstore experience and a slight decrease in positive affect to the bar experience. Extraverts showed a slight

increase in positive affect to both experiences.

Source: Adapted from “Money Buys Happiness When Spending Fits Our Personality” by S.C. Matz et al., 2016,

Psychological Science, 27, Table S3.

a 1:00 p.m. experiment. Students complied voluntarily with the requests. Would it have been

ethical to ask human participants to go for even longer periods without food?

Research in a natural setting. Yet there are people who deprive themselves of food for long periods

of time of their own volition. For example, people with anorexia and hunger strikers go voluntarily

without food for much longer periods of time than do participants in the typical psychology

experiment. Brozek and associates (1951) studied the effects of a semistarvation diet on a group

of male conscientious objectors during World War II. The men were put on a very restricted

diet for 24 weeks, during which time they lost an average of 37 pounds. Over the 24 weeks, their

motivation for food increased, while that for sex and activity decreased. In addition, their thoughts

and actions were preoccupied with food the entire time. Food assumed the dominant theme in

conversation, was the focus of their attention at movies, was involved in daydreaming, and was

the subject in reading matter, such as cookbooks and recipes. By the end of the experiment, almost

59 percent of the participants reported being hungry most of the time. However, in O’Malley’s

(1990) description of hunger strikers, feelings of hunger eventually go away. Does this mean that

the preoccupation with food and its images disappears also? This question is not answerable by

an experiment, since it would not be practical or ethical to subject individuals for such long

periods of time without food but instead may be answerable by investigating this phenomena

when it occurs naturally. For example, people with anorexia and hunger strikers could be

interviewed to determine the extent of their hunger symptoms and preoccupation with food.

Research in Emotion

An emotion consists of an interconnected pattern among subjective feelings, facial expressions,

physiological changes, and emotion-linked behavior. Each of these components of emotion unfold

in reaction to external changes or mental events. For instance, an insult induces anger, seeing old

friends creates happiness, walking on a dark deserted street elicits anxiety, or the memory of an

old friend triggers sadness. Emotions when studied in the psychology laboratory are evoked by

the techniques described in Table 1.2. These have been shown to effectively elicit the various

components of emotion (Lench et al., 2011). But how realistic are the emotional experiences

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TABLE 1.2

Laboratory Methods Used to Induce Emotions

Method

Description

Autobiographic

Recall or write a personal memory of an intense emotional experience

Behavioral

Act in a way that is synonymous with a specific emotion

Films

Watch a brief video clip that was selected to elicit a discrete emotion

Imagination

Imagine being in the emotional situation that you read or hear about

Life Manipulation

Participate in an actual situation that would elicit emotion in real life

Music

Listen to musical excerpts that were selected to induce discrete emotions

Pictures

View a single picture that was designed to elicit a discrete emotion

Priming

React to emotion words, pictures or puzzles presented below awareness

Reading Text

Read a printed passage that is aimed to induce an emotional response

Velten

Read statements about self that refer to discrete emotional experiences

Source: Based on “Discrete Emotions Predict Changes in Cognition, Judgment, Experience, Behavior, and Physiology: A

Meta-analysis of Experimental Emotion Elicitations” by H. C. Lench et al., 2011, Psychological Bulletin, 137, pp. 836, 837.

that are evoked in the artificial setting of a psychology laboratory? Can experimentally induced

emotions match the intensity of emotions felt in life, such as parents grieving the death of their

child, the joy felt in response to a wedding proposal, or the anger felt when a thief steals your

identity? As in the case of motivation, feasibility and ethical concerns prevent the study of intense

emotions in the laboratory, and thus such emotions can only be investigated as they occur naturally.

Sources and Scope of Motivation

If motivation is the inducement of an individual’s actions, thoughts, and feelings, then what is

the source of this inducement? As the book’s title implies, psychologists can look to the biological

—that is, the nature of the body and specifically the structure and workings of the brain. Part

of the biological view is the consideration of how the brain evolved. What function did it play

in our evolutionary past and how does that function affect human motivation today? The psycho -

logical refers to properties of the human mind, in contrast to the body and brain. The psychological

is represented by motives, such as psychological needs, wants, and desires, but also by other character -

istics, such as personality traits. And, finally, the environmental can be divided into two categories.

The first concerns the objective environment—that is, material things, such as money, grades, or

prizes. The second concerns the cognitive representation of some external event, which is a case

of cognitive motivation. For example, graduation is not a thing but the mental representation of

some event that a student can visualize in her mind’s eye. The mental representation is the goal

that attracts or draws a student toward it. However, if a mental representation is viewed negatively,

then it would actually repel the individual and provide motivation for behavior so that it would

not happen.

Furthermore, the sources of motivation cut across various disciplines within psychology.

Biological sources are a main consideration in disciplines that examine motivation and emotion

in terms of an organism’s autonomic and central nervous systems. These areas are covered in

biological psychology, in cognitive and affective neuroscience, and in neuroscience outside of

psychology. The relationship between arousal and performance is considered in sports psychology,

and the relationship between stress and well-being is covered in health psychology. Internal sources,

such as psychological needs, personality traits, and self-esteem, are included in the areas of

social psychology, personality, and personal growth. Psychological needs are also examined in

consumer psychology and advertising. In addition, social psychology often covers emotions, since

other individuals are a major source of emotional experiences. Environmental sources of motivation,

such as incentives, are found in courses on learning, conditioning, and behavior analysis. Behavior

modification, for instance, relies heavily on external incentives to change behavior. Incentives and

goals also receive treatment as a part of industrial psychology and work motivation. Finally, clinical

psychology and the study of psychopathology also include the topic of motivation. For instance,

amotivation (the complete absence of any motivation) and the overpowering motivation for drugs

(as in addiction) are two opposite ends of the motivation continuum studied in these fields.

Section Recap

Feasibility and research ethics determine whether a phenomenon is studied using an experimental

or correlational method. Experiments involve a researcher manipulating an experimental variable

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22

23

to create different values. Participants are subjected to the conditions or treatments that represent

the different values of the manipulated experimental variable. Characteristics of people, such as

their personality traits and psychological needs, define correlational variables. Psychologists measure

the amount of an individual’s trait or need with a psychological scale; they do not create the

amount. The dependent variable refers to behavior that depends on the experimental variable or

is associated with the correlational variable. Moderately intense motives and emotions are studied

in the laboratory. To this end, a wide variety of procedures are used to create emotional

experiences in the laboratory. Very intense motives and emotions, however, are less feasible and

also unethical to create in the laboratory. Instead, they are studied in actual situations using

correlational research methods. The study of motivation involves the study of biological

variables—that is, what do the body and brain contribute? The study of psychological variables

involves examining how mental processes contribute to motivation. Environmental variables are

examined to determine how material incentives, goals, and their mental representations motivate

individuals. Finally, the study of motivation is applicable to many different disciplines.

GLOSSARY

Term

Definition

Affective Forecasting

When a person predicts his or her subjective feelings (affect), much like the

weather reporter forecasts the weather

Agentic Theory

Bandura’s theory that humans willfully create or alter their circumstances, which

in turn affect behavior

Anticipatory Behavior

Minuscule responses that resemble actual consummatory responses that occur

when the goal is achieved

Anticipatory Response

Minuscule consummatory responses elicited by stimuli associated with the goal;

Mechanism

the mechanism describes prediction or looking forward to the goal

Biological

Characteristics of the material body or brain and how that relates to motivation

Biological Variables

Biological are internal body dimensions or brain properties that affect

motivation, e.g., ghrelin

Cognitive Knowledge

Knowledge or know-how in the form of a cognitive map, a plan, or script that

is necessary in order to achieve a goal or satisfy a motive

Cognitive Motivation

Visualizing the end-state or goal of the motivation sequence and mentally

perceiving a plan or script to achieve that goal

Competence

Capability or skill necessary to perform the instrumental behavior that is

necessary to achieve a goal or satisfy a motive

Consummatory Behavior

From the verb to finish, as in finishing the motivation sequence when the

person interacts with the goal, e.g., eating or affiliating

Correlational Research

Research designed to describe the relationship between behavior and measures

of an existing person or environmental variable

Correlational Variable

A variable the researcher measures in order to determine the different values on

this variable

Dependent Variable

Behavior that depends on the different values of the experimental variable or is

associated with different values of the correlational variable

continued . . .

I N T R O D U C T I O N T O M O T I V A T I O N A N D E M O T I O N

GLOSSARY

Continued

Term

Definition

Duration or Persistence

An index of motivation that refers to the amount of time a person works to

achieve a goal or to satisfy a motive

Emergence

Brain processes appear or materialize into consciousness as mental awareness

Emotion

An evolved coordinated effort among physiological, psychological, and

behavioral dimensions in order to cope with an environmental demand or

problem

Environmental Variables

Dimensions that characterize external incentives, such as quantity and quality

and their effects on motivation

Evolutionary History

Accumulations of the effects of millions of years of natural selection that reside

in a person’s genes

Evolutionary Psychology

Trying to understand cognition, motivation, and behavior by examining our

evolutionary past

Experimental Research

Research designed to describe the relationship between behavior and created or

manipulated values of a person or environmental variable

Experimental Variable

A variable the experimenter manipulates in order to create different values on

this variable

Forecasting

The prediction of an end-state as in affective forecasting resembles a weather

report of a person’s future subjective feelings

Frequency

An index of motivation that refers to the rate of performing an instrumental

behavior that leads to goal achievement or motive satisfaction

Functional Magnetic

A brain imaging procedure that detects active brain areas from the increased

Resonance Imaging (fMRI)

blood flow and oxygen use detected from hydrogen atoms

Ghrelin

A hormone residing in the stomach that promotes hunger and eating; example

of a biological variable

Goal

The cognitive representation of a selected end-state that a person commits to

and is pulled toward achieving

Incentive

A valued feature of the environment that pulls an individual toward it if positive

and repels an individual if negative

Instrumental Behaviors

A person’s actions that are designed to achieve the goal or satisfy a motive;

behavior that results in goal attainment

Instrumentality

The ability of an activity to provide future rewards

Knowledge

Understanding or comprehension that is necessary to achieve a goal or satisfy a

motive; see “cognitive knowledge”

Motivated

To be moved into action or change in action by the push of a motive or the pull

of an incentive

Motivation

A journey typified as motivated behavior from a beginning to a selected end-

state comprised of a concrete goal, consummatory behavior, and subjective

feelings

Motive

An internal disposition (hunger, desire, want) that pushes an individual toward a

desired end-state or goal

continued . . .

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24

GLOSSARY

Continued

Term

Definition

Personal History

Accumulation of a person’s experiences from his or her conception until the

present

Physical Energy

Material energy, such as glucose that is used to power the brain and muscles

Positron Emission

A brain imaging procedure that detects active brain areas based on the highest

Tomography (PET)

blood flow and use of glucose, which is detected from measuring atomic

particles

Psychological Variables

Dimensions of the mind or mental process that affect motivation, e.g.,

psychological needs

Push/Pull Motivation

Idea that motives push and incentives or goals pull people into action

Reductionism

Using the brain as a more basic entity to explain the workings of the mind,

which is considered a less basic entity

Simulation

Anticipated psychological experiences that occur as if the individual were

actually visualizing, interacting, or imagining an end-state

Utility

How useful something is to increasing satisfaction and happiness, and

decreasing dissatisfaction

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I N T R O D U C T I O N T O M O T I V A T I O N A N D E M O T I O N

26

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Psychological Needs and Motives

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Personality and Motivation

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Goal Motivation

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