Maya Political Cycling and the Story of the Kaan Polity

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Maya Political Cycling and the

Story of the Kaan Polity

Joyce Marcus

Abstract

By combining two frameworks (the Dynamic Model and that of political cycling), I use both textual and

archaeological evidence to document the origins of the Maya state. The geographic focus is the base of

the Yucatan Peninsula, focusing special attention on sites in Quintana Roo, Campeche, and the Mirador

Basin. I examine several eras that witnessed a series of major oscillations, with huge centers taking their

turn at the top of the administrative hierarchy. I document the shift from �amboyant rank society to ini-

tial state, a shift back to �amboyant rank society, and then the rise of a much larger expansionist Maya

state.

In this paper I seek both to honor the career of E. Wyllys Andrews and to address a long-standing

archaeological question. The question is one that I began asking myself before the ink was dry on

my doctoral dissertation: “If the Snake Head refers to Calakmul, why does that emblem glyph

appear so late in the archaeological sequence, especially since Calakmul was an important place

even during the Middle and Late Preclassic?” Only after I began utilizing a framework that

combined both the Dynamic Model (Marcus 1992, 1993) and the notion of political cycling

(Anderson 1990; Wright 1984) did I see some of the ways that one might explain the

distribution of the Kaan, or Snake Head, emblem glyph (Figure 4.1).

Addressing a question of Preclassic political organization seems particularly appropriate as a

way to honor Andrews, because so much of his research has been focused on that period

(Andrews 1981, 1990; Ringle and Andrews 1988, 1990). “Digging a Preclassic site like

Komchen,” he once said at the Atlanta SAA meetings, “has been truly rewarding” but “under-

standing the Preclassic will be possible only after long-term excavation is conducted at many

sites.”

Using Andrews’ statements as a point of departure, I will examine political cycling during

the Middle and Late Preclassic (800 B.C.–A.D. 250) in the Mirador Basin (Figure 4.2), an area

that extends from the base of the Yucatan Peninsula of Mexico south into Guatemala (Benavides

2005; Carrasco 2000; Carrasco and Col�n 2005; Dahlin 1984; Folan, Šprajc, et al. 2005;

Forsyth 1989, 1993; Garc�a Cruz 1993; Grube 2005; Hansen 1990, 1994, 1998, 2002; Marcus

2004b; Matheny 1980; Robichaux and Pruett 2005; Ruppert and Denison 1943; Šprajc 2004,

2008; Šprajc, Folan, and Gonz�lez H. 2005; Šprajc, Morales A., and Hansen 2009).

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MAYA POLITICAL CYCLING

The Mirador Basin is an appropriate laboratory for the study of political cycling because it

witnessed a series of major oscillations, with huge Preclassic centers taking their turn at the top

of the administrative hierarchy. This pattern of shifting political centers seems to differ from

that of other Maya regions, such as the polity administered by Tikal, which used the same

emblem glyph from A.D. 292 to 869 (Berlin 1958; Jones 1977; Jones and Satterthwaite 1982;

Marcus 1976; Martin 2003; Martin and Grube 2008; Schele and Freidel 1990).

In the Mirador Basin we seem to see the shift from �amboyant rank society to initial state, a

shift back to �amboyant rank society, and then the rise of a much larger expansionist state that

lasted until A.D. 695. By studying the distribution of the Snake Head emblem glyph, we can

suggest fairly precise dates for some of the political rises and falls of key centers. Extensive

excavations, however, will be necessary to establish what happened at the many key centers

that lack hieroglyphs and associated dates.

Figure 4.1. Eight examples of the Snake Head Emblem Glyph designating the Kaan Polity

(redrawn from Marcus 1987:Figure 65 g, h, i, j; Marcus 2004b:Figure 14 c, f, h;

Vel�squez Garc�a 2004:Figure 14).

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Documenting Shifts in Political Control and the Loss of Autonomy

Societies with hereditary rank represent the �rst moment in Maya history during which village

autonomy was transcended, allowing higher-order centers to control lower-order centers. Once

we can demonstrate that lower-order centers have lost their independence, we are on our way

to identifying multisite polities (Carneiro 1970, 1981; Grinin et al. 2004; Marcus 1976,

2004a, 2008; Wright 1977, 1984).

Although differences in site size have often been used to suggest the presence of an

administrative hierarchy, size is not enough. Real evidence for the loss of autonomy is

needed—for example, showing that lower-order centers were required to deliver goods and

labor service to higher-order centers (Marcus and Flannery 1996:108-110, 198-199). Leaders

at higher-order centers could exact tribute, command men to build large public works, or

conscript men from subordinate villages to defend them whenever enemies attacked. If we can

demonstrate that Preclassic Maya hereditary chiefs controlled labor and goods from smaller

sites, we will be closer to demonstrating administrative control by larger centers (e.g., Marcus

2004b, 2008).

At present we can show that Preclassic centers varied in size, monumentality, and pace of

development, but have limited evidence for tribute and labor demands (Chase and Chase 1995;

Folan et al. 1995; Hansen 1998; Matheny 1980, 1986, 1987; Sharer and Traxler 2006). We

also need a �ner-grained chronology, especially if the ability to maintain control of lower-order

centers was short-lived and �uctuating. Some administrative hierarchies may have oscillated

between two levels and three levels every 25 years. Such short-term oscillations would be

impossible to detect, given ceramic phases that span several hundred years. We cannot as yet

establish the hierarchical position of each site during 25-year periods, even with hieroglyphs.

Before looking at sites in the Mirador Basin, it would be useful to examine some well-

documented cases of cycling. For this we can turn to the chie�y societies of Panama and the

Southeastern United States.

Rank Societies in Sixteenth-Century Panama

According to Spanish eyewitnesses, dozens of Panamanian societies showed evidence of chie�y

competition as well as marital and trading alliances (Anghera 1912; Fern�ndez de Oviedo y

Vald�s 1959; Linares 1977; Lothrop 1937; Sauer 1966).

Hereditary Panamanian chiefs, or quev�s, were the highest ranking members of society.

Below them were subchiefs, or sacos, some of whom were brothers of the chief. Then came the

�abras, honored commoners who had gained status through military prowess. Some of these

�abras were given land, women, slaves, and even the opportunity to administer subordinate

villages. Sons of �abras were allowed to inherit titles from their fathers only if they, too,

became professional warriors (Helms 1979:13). Captives and war prisoners (pacos) served as

litter bearers and burden carriers for the chief (Fern�ndez de Oviedo y Vald�s 1959; Lothrop

1937). The tattoos on the faces of pacos designated the lord to whom they belonged.

We know important details about a few of these Panamanian chiefs and their subchiefs. One

well-known chief, Nat�, was served by 11 subchiefs, each of whom oversaw his own district.

Another chief, Parita, came to control a large territory (or “chiefdom”) by conquering 12 other

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chiefs and incorporating their realms, some of which lay three to four days’ walk from Parita’s

village (Andagoya 1865; Espinosa 1873:32-33; Lothrop 1937:10).

Parita conquered Chicacotra, Suema, Guarar�, Sangana, and eight other chiefs (Lothrop

1937:10 n. 2) after having attracted many �ghting men. The Spanish soldier Pascual de

Andagoya (1865:30) noted that the quev� of Escoria had fewer �ghting men than Parita. This

shortage of warriors meant that Escoria’s men had to �ght continuously, while Parita had the

luxury of rotating his men. In one of the many �erce battles between Parita and the quev� of

Escoria, however, Parita lost (Lothrop 1937:10). Following this victory, the quev� of Escoria

married a close relative of Parita’s (Fern�ndez de Oviedo y Vald�s 1853, Book 29, Chapter 10,

pp. 47-48), and it was this marriage alliance that brought about temporary peace.

Establishing military prowess, competitive advantages, and marital alliances were three of

the strategies employed by the chie�y societies of Panama. Their chie�y territories were con-

tinually in �ux, expanding and contracting over time and creating shifts in the administrative

hierarchy.

Rank Societies of the Southeastern United States

Native American rank societies of the southeastern United States also expanded, collapsed, and

reorganized themselves. When one chie�y polity collapsed some of its population either volun-

tarily joined, or was forcibly absorbed into, another polity. For example, a number of Savannah

River sites were abandoned by A.D. 1450, and sites on the Oconee River experienced a huge

population increase (Kowalewski and Hatch 1991; Rudolph and Blanton 1981). Other

powerful Mississippian societies also occurred in the Santee-Wateree drainage; still later,

during the middle of the sixteenth century, the provinces of Ocute and Co�tachequi emerged

(Anderson 1996:190).

There is evidence that chie�y cycling could occur at intervals of one hundred years or less.

This is a period of time signi�cantly shorter than most ceramic periods (which can last 300–

500 years), suggesting that the rise and fall of some rank societies could go undetected simply

by being embedded within a long ceramic phase. If similar cycles took place within the Maya

Middle and Late Preclassic—a period of almost a thousand years—many cycles could go

undetected.

David Hally (1996) has shown that most Mississippian rank societies in northern Georgia

lasted less than one hundred years. When one of these chie�y societies declined, a second often

developed 100–200 years later virtually in the same place. Hally (1996:115) suggests that

many rank societies: (1) lost their independence and ended up being incorporated into other

polities; and (2) collapsed and disappeared entirely along with their supporting populations; or

(3) lost one level of their sociopolitical hierarchy and no longer quali�ed as rank societies.

Hally argues that mound construction at one site ceased when another site took it over

politically. Site abandonment could also occur when there was a gap in chie�y succession,

when there was endemic raiding, or when laborers in satellite villages �ed or were absorbed

into another polity. Similar scenarios may well �t the Preclassic Maya sequence of the Mirador

Basin.

From Autonomous Village to Rank Society

The shift from mobile hunter-gatherers to fully sedentary villagers was a gradual process that

occurred at different times throughout Mesoamerica. It was complete by 1600–1500 B.C. on

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the Paci�c coast, but probably not until 1000 B.C. in the Mirador Basin. We do not know why

it took longer in some regions than others.

Despite these variations in timing, the Preclassic was a crucial era all over Mesoamerica.

Among the noteworthy developments were an increased reliance on domesticated plants, a

newly increased range of ritual and burial practices, increasing evidence for hereditary

inequality, an escalation of interregional trade in prestige goods, and (at least in some areas) an

explosion of inter-village raiding and monumental public building.

By 1000 B.C. the Maya were living in autonomous villages, with little or no evidence that

any community controlled another. As our sample of early villages increases, we are becoming

increasingly aware of regional as well as local differences. Apsidal houses, for example, were

typical of New River sites, while circular houses were typical of Belize River sites. Villagers

along the Belize River used �gurines, while some New River villagers did not. At the Maya site

of K’axob (McAnany 2004) we see burials like those in the early Valley of Oaxaca (Marcus and

Flannery 1996), in which differences in prestige were shown by burying some men in a seated

position. These seated men had been bundled, suggesting that their burial treatment was

protracted, and that they may have been important ancestors who had been kept around and

venerated before reburial. As true rank developed, some emerging Maya elites placed marine

shells and jade beads in the graves of their children.

The earliest villages in the Mirador Basin may still be deeply buried under sites like Tintal,

Xulnal, La Florida, Calakmul, Naachtun, El Mirador, Porvenir, Pacaya, La Muralla, Nakbe,

Tintal, and Wakna. Of these, Nakbe, El Mirador, and Calakmul were among the largest, with

their size manifested both in the extent of the site and in the monumentality of individual

structures. For example, by Late Preclassic times both Structure II of Calakmul and the El Tigre

pyramid of El Mirador reached 55 meters in height (Folan et al. 1995:316). Such use of labor

suggests that leaders could attract large numbers of followers and command them to build

immense structures.

Late Preclassic Maya sites varied greatly in their concern with display and monumentality,

with those in Belize usually lacking monumental constructions, while those in the Mirador

Basin were committed to creating truly impressive pyramids. While El Mirador had the largest

pyramids, some structures at Tikal or Lamanai could be as tall as 20 or 33 meters, respectively

(Laporte and Fialko 1995; Pendergast 1981).

Some early rank societies of the Mirador Basin at this time not only invested in

monumentality, but also seem to have had administrative hierarchies of between two and three

levels. When three levels existed, the chief presumably lived at the largest and most defensible

site or paramount center. Sites at the second level of the hierarchy may have been under

subchiefs who (based on what we know of the later Maya) were relatives or in-laws of the

chief. Con�ict probably occurred between chiefs at different paramount centers, as well as

between chiefs and their ambitious subchiefs. Given available Late Preclassic data, we could

make the case that two-level hierarchies characterized parts of Belize and three-level hierarchies

characterized the Mirador Basin.

Late Preclassic Maya societies witnessed increasing evidence for construction of triadic

temples, intra-community causeways linking plaza groups, and inter-site roads linking major

centers to their satellite communities. These roads serve as proxies for the hierarchical relations

among sites. We also see increased evidence for con�ict, including mass graves of young males,

the construction of defensive walls and palisades, the burning of temples, and the stripping of

stucco masks from temple and platform fa�ades. The assumption of an earlier generation of

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archaeologists that this was a peaceful era had to be scrapped when evidence emerged to show

that Late Preclassic leaders could be intensely competitive, and that some communities burned

the buildings of their rivals (Brown and Garber 2003).

Nakbe

One of the earliest paramount centers in the Mirador Basin was Nakbe, located to the

southeast of El Mirador (Figures 4.2 and 4.3). Nakbe had an east–west layout, with a causeway

linking its West Group to its East Group. This east–west layout with intra-site causeways can

also be seen at El Mirador, Pol Box, and other sites.

Figure 4.2. Key sites of northern Guatemala and southern Campeche, Mexico

(redrawn from Hansen 1998:Figure 2 and Marcus 2004b:Figure 3).

Contract

Contract Contract

Contract

Contract Contract

Contract

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Figure 4.3. During the seventh century A.D., when the Snake Head Polity had its capital at Calakmul,

it administered three zones: (1) an innermost zone that lay within the hexagon; (2) a zone that

extended from Campeche and Quintana Roo into Guatemala; and (3) an outer political sphere that

included far-�ung allies like Caracol, Naranjo, Dos Pilas, and Quirigua (adapted from Marcus

2004b:Figure 1).

The earliest constructions (1000–800 B.C.) at Nakbe consisted of simple earth �oors with

postholes intruding into bedrock (Hansen 1998). By 800 B.C. Nakbe covered 50 hectares, with

three-meter-high stone platforms that evidently supported perishable structures. Thick plaster

�oors appeared by 600 B.C. Sometime between 600 and 400 B.C., major platforms reached

eight meters in height and the �rst ballcourt was constructed. In the East Group, some

structures reached more than 16 meters in height and both intra-site and inter-site causeways

made their appearance.

Intensi�ed agriculture accompanied the rise of Nakbe. Arti�cial garden plots delimited by

stone walls were �lled with rich soils taken from bajos or depressions. This soil was laboriously

transported from low-lying areas. Water storage facilities were also constructed at this time,

and on time.

Straightforward or down-to-earth

Understanding

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since these garden plots (as well as the very large population) would need water during the

long dry season. These investments in intensive agricultural features, together with the

development of monumental architecture, imply new strategies for organizing labor. Symbols

of rulership used by later Maya kings—the headband and mat motifs—are already present on

Middle Preclassic �gurines at Nakbe, suggesting that some symbols and elements of political

authority were already in use.

By Late Preclassic times, an inter-site causeway was built to link the Western Group of

Nakbe to El Mirador. Stela 1 of Nakbe, found in the main plaza of the Western Group, bears

no hieroglyphs but does shows two Maya lords facing each other, one of them pointing to the

�oating head of an ancestor (Figure 4.4). Similar stelae, depicting ancestors �oating above the

head of the current ruler (and probably legitimizing him) have been found at Kaminaljuyu,

Tikal, and El Baul (Marcus 1976).

Figure 4.4. Stela 1, Nakbe, shows two lords that face each other.

The lord (at left) points at his ancestor, a theme that occurs on Cycle 8 and Cycle 10

monuments (redrawn from Sharer and Traxler 2006:Figure 5.17).

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Another innovation at Nakbe was the so-called E Group, an architectural complex named

for its resemblance to Group E at Uaxactun (Chase and Chase 1995; Hansen 1998; Ricketson

and Ricketson 1937). Such an E Group consists of a large pyramid on the west side of a plaza,

facing a long platform that supports three smaller structures on the east side of the plaza. On

the east side of an E group plaza, the sun rises directly behind the middle temple (E-II at

Uaxactun) on the vernal equinox, when day and night are of equal length. It rises behind the

north temple (E-I) on the summer solstice or longest day; behind the middle temple again

during the autumnal equinox; and �nally, behind the south temple (E-III) on the winter solstice

or shortest day of the year. E Group plazas are known from several sites, including Nakbe, El

Mirador, Calakmul, Uaxactun, Caracol, Cenote, and Wakna (Chase and Chase 1995; Folan et

al. 1995; Hansen 1998).

Because of its early date, it is fair to say that Nakbe was the prototype for later Maya cities

with its causeways, stelae and altars, plazas, ballcourt, and impressive stone platforms. At some

point, however, Nakbe cycled down, becoming less important and losing much of its

population. Soon other sites like El Mirador and Calakmul became huge, ultimately replacing

Nakbe as major centers.

El Mirador

The massive site of El Mirador also had a series of roads radiating out from it. This road

system can be interpreted as evidence that El Mirador needed access to, and presumably

controlled, a series of satellite communities. One road leads southeast to Nakbe, while another

leads north to Calakmul (Folan, Marcus, and Miller 1995:Figures 3, 4).

El Mirador came to be the largest Late Preclassic site in the southern Maya lowlands. Its

monumental architecture demonstrates that its leaders were able to attract more laborers than

did rival communities; El Mirador used that labor force to construct roads, plazas, and temples

on a huge scale (Folan et al. 1995; Hansen 1998; Matheny 1980, 1986).

Like Nakbe, El Mirador was laid out east–west. The Western Group at El Mirador, linked

by a causeway to the Eastern or La Danta Group, was built on a natural hill. Key to

understanding El Mirador is a series of public buildings, including one that has been called a

Late Preclassic palace. If this structure proves to be a palace, it would be the oldest known so

far from the Maya region.

Another innovation at El Mirador was the so-called triadic temple complex, composed of

one large temple �anked by two smaller ones. The Western Group of El Mirador was

dominated by the triadic temple complex known as El Tigre, while a smaller triad with stucco

masks can be seen on Structure 34 (Hansen 1984, 1990, 1998; Matheny 1980). El Tigre alone

covers an area six times greater than the largest Late Classic building at Tikal.

An unanswered question, therefore, is this: Was El Mirador the �amboyant paramount

center of a powerful rank society, or did it brie�y become the capital of a state at A.D. 100,

only to collapse around A.D. 150?

Evaluating the El Mirador Case

Based on what we know about early states elsewhere (e.g., Claessen and van de Velde 1991;

Grinin et al. 2004; Marcus 1992, 1998; Marcus and Feinman 1998; Marcus and Flannery

1996; Spencer 2010; Spencer and Redmond 2004), here are some important questions whose

answers may help resolve the status of El Mirador:

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1. Do settlement patterns in the Mirador Basin show a shift from a three-level to a four-

level hierarchy?

2. Is the building in the Western Group truly a palace?

3. Are the handmade �gurines used in family ritual gradually replaced by paraphernalia

used by fulltime priests?

4. Are secondary centers linked to El Mirador by well-made roads?

5. Do hieroglyphic texts mention dynastic founders?

6. Do secondary centers mention the emblem glyphs of the primary centers?

7. Are there institutions and personnel at El Mirador that do not occur at lower-order

centers?

At the moment, we have positive answers for less than half of these questions concerning El

Mirador.

Whether or not El Mirador achieved the status of a state, any such status was short-lived.

What El Mirador may show us is that the formation of the �rst Maya states took place in an

atmosphere of competition, with centers frustrating the attempts of their rivals to consolidate

political power in the Mirador Basin for several centuries.

Balakbal, Candzibaantun, and Dzibanche

It has not been possible to establish the ancient names for Nakbe and El Mirador. We are

therefore left to wonder when and how the Snake Head glyph became attached to a speci�c

capital and ruling dynasty. When the government of Nakbe collapsed, its competitor El

Mirador gained the upper hand, a position that the latter site enjoyed until A.D. 150.

El Mirador, too, had many competitors (perhaps including Calakmul, Kinichna, and

Dzibanche) and when El Mirador collapsed, the political void was �lled by Dzibanche,

Calakmul, and at least a few other sites to the east of Calakmul. One of these was Balakbal, a

site �rst explored in 1934 (Ruppert and Denison 1943). Balakbal erected an early stela (Stela

5) that records the accession of a king to the throne in A.D. 386. Contemporaneous

monuments were set up at Candzibaantun, a site located just a few kilometers north of the

Guatemalan border (Šprajc 2004, 2008).

Several sites, including Calakmul, Dzibanche, Balakbal, and Candzibaantun, were part of an

interacting network. The polity to which they belonged may have been called the Bat Polity

from A.D. 400–500 and the Snake Head Polity beginning around A.D. 500 (Martin 2005). We

have unanswered questions, nevertheless, about where the capital and royal palace of the polity

were located during each decade. Did the Bat Polity (ca. A.D. 400–500) or the Kaan Polity (ca.

A.D. 500–900) have one capital at a time or several? Did each ruler have palaces at several

different sites? How did the seat of power shift through time? Answering these questions will

be dif�cult because no one site offers us a full and continuous record of well-preserved and

legible texts, and the excavation of all the relevant palaces will take years to accomplish.

Dzibanche has the distinction of being the �rst Maya site to mention a ruler associated with

the Snake Head glyph (Figures 4.5 and 4.6). That fact has led some scholars to suggest (1) that

he was the ruler of Dzibanche and (2) that Dzibanche was the capital of the Kaan Polity at A.D.

500 (Grube 2004; Martin 2004; Nalda 2004a, 2004b; Vel�squez Garc�a 2004). This Kaan

Polity ruler, as well as his successor, are alleged to have conducted war in the Dzibanche and El

Resbalon region and to have taken prisoners who are depicted on the risers of steps in prisoner

staircases.

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Figure 4.5. Dzibanche prisoner steps (drawn by Kay Clahassey from Vel�squez Garc�a 2004:Figures 2,

3, 5). Vel�squez Garc�a reads the text on Monument 5 as: “On 11 Ok he entered the town of Xook

Ucha’…, the prisoner of Yuknoom Ch’een, divine lord of Kaan” [The expression “he entered the

town” has been interpreted as “he defeated” or “he conquered.”]. The text on Monument 6 text can

be read: “On 18 K’ayab’ he entered the town of Ch’en…Lord of.” The incompletely preserved text on

Monument 7b features one clear bat glyph.

Whether Dzibanche was the capital of the Kaan Polity at this time or merely a secondary

center acting at the behest of the Kaan king (whose capital was located elsewhere) is not yet

clear (Esparza Olgu�n and P�rez Guti�rrez 2009; Grube 2004; Martin 2004). Whatever the

case, the Dzibanche staircase depicts the captives taken by a Kaan Polity ruler, reinforcing our

suspicion that Maya state formation took place in the context of military competition.

The fact that the Snake Head emblem appears in texts at Dzibanche, El Resbalon, and Pol

Box before it appears at Calakmul may reveal one of two things: either (1) the capital shifted as

one set of rulers took over from another, or (2) the lords at secondary centers could use the

glyph when acting on behalf of the primary center. Grube (2005) and Martin (2005) now

argue that the Snake Head emblem was used by Calakmul, but only for one hundred years

Understanding

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from A.D. 636 to 736. Before A.D. 636, and again after A.D. 736, they suggest that Calakmul

used the bat as its polity name. If future research continues to uphold the following sequence—

use of the Bat emblem, then the Snake Head emblem, and then re-use of the Bat emblem—we

will have an amazing case of political cycling that will be dif�cult to match with data from

other Maya regions.

Figure 4.6. Dzibanche prisoner steps (drawn by Kay Clahassey from Vel�squez Garc�a 2004:Figures

13, 14, 16). Monument 12, as read by Vel�squez Garc�a, says: “On…Sootz [he entered the town of]…,

prisoner of the divine lord of Kaan.” Monument 13 can be read: “On 5 Chikchan 3 Yaxkin [August 8,

A.D. 490]…B’ahlam, the prisoner of the divine lord of Kaan, was captured.” Monument 15 can be

read: “On 10 Ajaw 8 Xul [July 25, A.D. 484] he entered the town of…Kaanal, prisoner of the divine

lord of Kaan.” [The expression “he entered the town” has been interpreted as “he defeated” or “he

conquered.”]

It is frustrating that so many Calakmul stelae, even most of those carved between A.D. 650

and 900, lack emblem glyphs altogether (Marcus 1987:171-177). The rarity of emblem glyphs

is unusual, and contrasts with their frequent use on the stelae at other cities. Perhaps the

eroded state of so many Calakmul monuments is a contributing factor. The result, which is

ironic, is that Calakmul’s actions are best known from its subordinate sites and far-�ung allies

(Marcus 2004b).

Understanding

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The Calakmul Story

The history of Calakmul (Table 4.1) began in the Middle Preclassic, although we do not know

how large it was at that time, nor are we sure what name referred to Calakmul itself or to the

larger polity in which it resided (Folan et al. 1995). Based on the earliest texts at Calakmul, the

site may have been called “Three Stones” or Uxte’tuun (Figure 4.7). The area near the huge

body of water adjacent to the site, the Bajo Laberinto, may have been called “Coatimundi

Aguada” or Chiik Nahb (Figures 4.7 and 4.8). The polity as a whole, encompassing chunks of

southern Campeche and Quintana Roo, may have been known for a time as the Chatan Polity,

the Bat Polity (Figure 4.9), or both.

Figure 4.7. This phrase of four hieroglyphs from Naranjo can be interpreted as “Yuknoom

Head of the Snake Head Polity at the Place of Three Stones, Lord of Chiik Nahb” (redrawn

from Marcus 2004b:Figure 2v-y).

Figure 4.8. Two examples of the expression “Lord of Chiik Nahb,” a title that may refer to the

settlement adjacent to Bajo El Laberinto at Calakmul (top, from Monument 6 at Calakmul;

bottom, from Stela 114 at Calakmul).

Understanding

Patient

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101

Figure 4.9. Examples of the Bat Polity. All the examples in the �rst row are from Calakmul

(Stelae 114, 59, and 62). The second row has examples from other sites—Oxpemul (Stela 2)

and Naachtun (Stela 23).

The Snake Head emblem glyph did not appear at Calakmul until A.D. 636. I originally

attributed the absence of this glyph from the earliest texts of Calakmul either to (1) the scarcity

of monuments at Calakmul from A.D. 300–500 (although two monuments are now known, the

second monument was not discovered until 1994); (2) the extremely poor quality of the

limestone used for such monuments, which contributed to their badly eroded condition; or (3)

the possibility that some of the early stelae of Calakmul were intentionally incorporated into

the �ll of later buildings (Marcus 1987; Marcus and Folan 1994; Pincemin et al. 1998:319-

323). It is possible that future excavations at Calakmul will expose more stelae buried inside

later buildings. I say this because the two earliest stelae at Calakmul were reused during a late

refurbishment of Structure II, the largest temple platform (Figure 4.10).

Even though we do not know the name for Calakmul during Late Preclassic times, we can

infer that it attracted many followers and controlled a lot of manpower. Its public buildings

were some of the biggest the Maya ever built (Folan et al. 1995). Another indication of the

large labor force of Calakmul is the road system that connected Calakmul, El Mirador, and

other sites (Folan, Marcus, and Miller 1995). The Calakmul–Mirador road may have been

originally created during El Mirador’s rise, but when Calakmul seized the upper hand after

A.D. 150 it invested in huge pyramids.

Once El Mirador began to decline, Calakmul linked itself to a series of equidistantly spaced

sites like Naachtun, Oxpemul, Balakbal, and Uxul (Marcus 1973, 2004b; Robichaux and Pruett

2005; Ruppert and Denison 1943; Šprajc 2008). There appears to be a good �t between the

actual location of this inner core of subordinate centers and the predictions I made earlier

based on Central Place Theory (Marcus 1973, 1976). This theory posits that the most ef�cient

way to administer subordinate sites on an unbounded level plain is to space them equidistantly

from each other and from the capital. Most ef�cient is an arrangement in which subordinate

centers are spaced one day’s travel from the capital, which appears to have been 30–35

kilometers in the Calakmul case (Figure 4.3).

Page 15

102 THE ANCIENT MAYA OF MEXICO

Figure 4.10. Structure II at Calakmul, showing how the oldest stelae at the site

were re-set on the platform (drawn by Kay Clahassey from a drawing

by Ernesto Tamay Segovia and a photo by Eldon Leiter).

El Mirador and Calakmul battled for supremacy in the Mirador Basin, and it would appear

that at some point they reversed roles: Calakmul went from being a secondary center under El

Mirador to a primary center above El Mirador. One of the lessons we learn from their struggle

is that some cycles of consolidation and collapse were shorter than a typical phase de�ned by

pottery style. Here is where dated monuments can provide a more detailed chronology of

events. A second lesson is that multiple competitive cycles among several sites were needed to

create new hierarchies.

Learning from the demise of El Mirador and avoiding a similar collapse, Calakmul

succeeded in creating an enduring state by incorporating even more satellites than El Mirador

and holding on to them. The oldest monument at Calakmul (Stela 114), which mentions the

dates A.D. 431 and 435, refers to one ruler as the Lord of Chiik Nahb, and to another as King

of the Bat Polity (Pincemin et al. 1998:Figures 6–8). At this date, however, there is no mention

of the Snake Head Polity on this monument or anywhere else in the Mirador Basin. The next

stela at Calakmul (Stela 43), which dates to A.D. 514, associates a ruler with the phrase k’uhul

chatan winik, a title possibly meaning “Divine Man of Chatan.”

Until we have more texts, it is dif�cult to say more about the place names or polity names

associated with the rulers of Calakmul between A.D. 200 and 500. We can say that Calakmul

continued to develop, reaching its peak between A.D. 500 and 695. At this point it had more

than 6,250 buildings scattered throughout an area of more than 30 square kilometers, with a

population estimated at 50,000 (Folan et al. 1995).

Although Calakmul produced the most stelae of any Maya site (117), all but two were

commissioned by rulers who lived and ruled after A.D. 500. The �rst use of the Snake Head

emblem occurs between A.D. 500 and 600, on a series of monuments at three sites. Those

monuments suggest that the rulers of the Snake Head Polity were attempting to consolidate the

core of their territory by force. All three sites, Dzibanche, El Resbalon, and Pol Box, were

Patient

Page 16

MAYA POLITICAL CYCLING

103

located to the northeast of Calakmul (Figure 4.3). One Snake Head king named Yuknoom

Ch’een I reigned from A.D. 500 to 520 (Figure 4.11); he is mentioned on the prisoner stairway

at Dzibanche (Figures 4.5 and 4.6). Another Snake Head king, K’altuun Hix (A.D. 520–546),

may have been responsible for taking the prisoners depicted on the steps at El Resbalon

(Carrasco and Boucher 1987; Vel�squez Garc�a 2004). K’altuun Hix is also known to have

presided over the A.D. 546 inauguration of a Naranjo ruler named Aj Wosal (Schele and

Freidel 1990:175-177). The next Snake Head king (Sky Witness) installed a ruler in A.D. 561

at Los Alacranes; in A.D. 562 he was victorious in a battle that led to his control of Caracol

and to the sacri�ce of the former ally of that site, the Tikal ruler. Such a defeat might explain

why Tikal did not set up any carved stones for the next 130 years.

Figure 4.11. Names of nine rulers of the Kaan Polity

(adapted from Marcus 2004b; Martin and Grube 2008).

Since both Dzibanche and El Resbalon created prisoner staircases that commemorated the

military deeds of the divine lords of the Snake Head Polity, scholars have interpreted the

carved steps in various ways: either (1) the Snake Head Polity had its capital at Dzibanche from

A.D. 500–600 and these steps commemorate the victorious ruler of Dzibanche; (2) the Snake

Head king was the conqueror of Dzibanche and his capital was at Calakmul; or (3) the

secondary center of Dzibanche was allowed to use the Snake Head emblem when acting at the

behest of the Snake Head king, whose capital was located elsewhere (Grube 2004; Martin

2004; Nalda 2004a; Vel�squez Garc�a 2004, 2005).

Understanding

Understanding Understanding

Understanding

Understanding Understanding

Understanding

Page 17

104 THE ANCIENT MAYA OF MEXICO

During the entire century from A.D. 500 to 600, the rulers of the Snake Head Polity were

using conquest to extend the radius of their state. They ultimately came to control a large part

of Campeche, Quintana Roo, and the Peten, and maintained a network of far-�ung allies well

beyond those zones (Marcus and Folan 1994). With El Mirador now out of the picture, and

with the governmental structures of several other sites collapsing, Calakmul, Dzibanche, or

other Snake Head dynastic seats were establishing networks of allies that would enable them to

�ll the political vacuum.

In A.D. 579 a ruler named Uneh Chan assumed the throne of the Snake Head Polity (Figure

4.11). He led one attack on Palenque in April of A.D. 599, and a second attack twelve years

later in April of A.D. 611. These attacks against Palenque, which reveal the ambition of the

Snake Head Polity to extend its territory to the west, are mentioned on monuments

commissioned by a much later Palenque ruler, the legendary Pacal. Perhaps Pacal sought to

show that earlier Palenque rulers had lost to Uneh Chan and the Snake Head Polity, but it

would not happen to him (Schele 1994).

By A.D. 636, we can �nally point to monuments showing that Calakmul was the capital of

the Kaan Polity. The Snake Head emblem may have been used before this date at Calakmul,

but demonstrating that will depend on recovering hieroglyphic evidence from A.D. 300 to 631.

The seventh and eighth centuries A.D. saw Calakmul maintaining ties with far-�ung allies while

successfully holding on to many of its neighboring subjects. The Calakmul network was a

mosaic of allies rather than a continuous bloc, and its rulers seem not to have concerned

themselves about the intervening gaps (Marcus and Folan 1994). So extensive were these

alliances that the Snake Head emblem was mentioned more widely than the Tikal emblem

glyph. This wide distribution, combined with the contexts in which so many subordinate

centers mentioned the Snake Head emblem, was what originally led me to suggest that

Calakmul might be one of the most important Maya capitals, administering a state with a

multi-tiered hierarchy of sublords (e.g., Marcus 1973, 1987, 1993).

The principal strategy of Calakmul was to expand its domain by military conquest. At the

same time, it seemed also to want to convert the friends of Tikal into enemies of that site.

These strategies worked during the period from A.D. 562 until 695 (Marcus 1993, 1998,

2004b; Marcus and Folan 1994; Martin 2003, 2005; Martin and Grube 2008; Schele and

Freidel 1990). We can assume that two results were that some former subjects (1) stopped

paying tribute and labor service to Tikal and (2) provided tribute and military service to

Calakmul instead. A more complete history of the Snake Head Polity would help us develop a

more detailed model for Maya statecraft.

Many of the strategies employed by the Snake Head Polity were shared with early states

elsewhere in the ancient world (Marcus 1992, 1998). Included were the incorporation of sites

by military force, the installation of loyal rulers at subordinate sites, sending out Calakmul

princesses to marry subordinate lords, and requiring rulers of subordinate sites to attend the

inaugurations of Calakmul rulers.

Solving the Mystery of the Snake Head Emblem Glyph

When I originally proposed that the Snake Head was the emblem glyph of Calakmul (Marcus

1973), I was puzzled by its late appearance at Calakmul itself. I considered it possible,

however, that earlier examples of the Snake Head emblem would appear at Calakmul once

extensive excavations were undertaken. Since that time, of course, several events have altered

our perspective. First, Maya epigraphers (e.g., Grube 2004; Helmke and Awe 2008; Marcus

Page 18

MAYA POLITICAL CYCLING

105

1993; Martin and Grube 2008; Mathews 1991; Stuart and Houston 1994) now see emblem

glyphs as titles that can be roughly translated “Divine Lord of Polity X” (Figure 4.12). And

while cities could not move around, kings and royal families could.

A second event was the discovery in 1994 of the oldest known monument at Calakmul—

Stela 114, carved in A.D. 435 (Marcus and Folan 1994). This monument (Figure 4.13) did not

mention the Snake Head emblem glyph, but did bear a Bat emblem and a title that can be read

Lord of Chiik Nahb (Figure 4.8, lower row). The latter title contains a place name that

endured as a reference to Calakmul (Marcus and Folan 1994; Martin and Grube 2008;

Pincemin et al. 1998).

Figure 4.12. Structure of the Kaan Polity emblem glyph,

“Divine Lord of the Snake Polity” (from Marcus 1987:Figure 65e).

A third event was the discovery of king lists for the Snake Head Polity, recorded on a dozen

polychrome “Dynastic Vases” (Martin 1997; Martin and Grube 2008). These vessels, believed

to have been painted in the Mirador Basin, provide a list of 19 legendary or semi-legendary

rulers who trace their ancestry back to a mythical dynastic founder dubbed Skyraiser, who is

shown holding the sky over his head. This retrospective king list was probably painted between

A.D. 650 and 750, and may have been commissioned to establish both time depth and

continuity for the rulers of the Snake Head Polity. Unfortunately, we have not been able to link

most of the speci�c names and dates in that king list to the dates and names of rulers recorded

on stone monuments.

Codex-style vessels (Hansen et al. 1991), once thought to have been painted at Nakbe, are

also known from Calakmul itself. While excavating on the south side of Structure XX at

Calakmul, a huge palace complex measuring 336 meters by 344 meters and featuring 17 court-

yards and an estimated 80 buildings, Kai Delvendahl (2004) recovered more than 600 codex-

style ceramic fragments, many of which seem to date from A.D. 650 to 750. Among the

fragments was one that featured the Snake Emblem glyph; other fragments give the title k’uhul

chatan winik (“Divine Man of Chatan”), a title that goes back to A.D. 514 at Calakmul on

Stela 43.

Understanding

Tolerant

Page 19

106 THE ANCIENT MAYA OF MEXICO

Figure 4.13. Stela 114, carved in A.D. 435, was re-set in front of Structure II at Calakmul

(redrawn from Pincemin et al. 1998:Figure 6).

What these three events lead us to believe is that the Maya of the Mirador Basin conceived of a

Kaan Polity that periodically moved its seat of power, as �rst Nakbe, then El Mirador, then perhaps

Dzibanche, and �nally Calakmul achieved supremacy. Such cycling is not without precedent in the

Maya lowlands. For example, Braswell (personal communication 2009; Braswell et al. 2005)

reports that in southern Belize, the site of Uxbenka was the seat of power between A.D. 300 and

500; Uxbenka was then supplanted by Pusilha; then Pusilha was supplanted by Uxbenka and Nimli

Punit, and �nally by Lubaantun.

Page 20

MAYA POLITICAL CYCLING

107

Figure 4.14. Stela 43, carved in A.D. 514, was re-set in front of Structure II at Calakmul

(drawn by Kay Clahassey).

In the case of the Mirador Basin, at least two alternative scenarios are possible. In one

scenario, the dominant dynasty of the Snake Head Polity formed at Nakbe, moved its seat of

power to El Mirador when that site took over from Nakbe, and �nally wound up at Calakmul

when El Mirador collapsed. In the second scenario, the Snake Head dynasty formed at

Calakmul after supplanting the Bat dynasty, and sought to legitimize itself by commissioning

king lists on polychrome vessels (and perhaps by alleging that its origins could be traced back

to Nakbe and El Mirador). Other scenarios involving Kinichna, Dzibanche, and other sites are

certainly possible, since competition and jockeying for power among multiple players were

required to create a new hierarchical level.

Page 21

108 THE ANCIENT MAYA OF MEXICO

The Process of Cycling Up and Cycling Down

Anthropological archaeologists often search for patterns and processes common to more than

one geographic region. Several regions of Mesoamerica have shown us that competition among

rival sites could serve as the driving force that created larger and more spectacular polities.

Over and over again, we �nd that without the presence of multiple competing agents, many

regions might not have developed centralized government at all. Competition from rivals drove

some rulers to achieve things they would not otherwise have achieved.

It now appears that the process of state formation in the Mirador Basin was similar to that

proposed for the Zapotec (Marcus and Flannery 1996; Spencer and Redmond 2001, 2004)

and the Mixtec (Balkansky 1998; Balkansky et al. 2004). The leaders of rival Preclassic

societies used political centralization and military force to avoid being taken over by their

rivals. Once their autonomy was assured, they expanded preemptively against weaker

neighbors. This expansion succeeded because many groups could not defend themselves against

new political strategies and larger bodies of warriors.

Some Maya cities, like Tikal, seem to have retained one emblem glyph throughout their

history. The situation in the Mirador Basin was too dynamic for that. As Nakbe, then El

Mirador, then Dzibanche, then �nally Calakmul rose to power, there were inevitable changes

in royal houses and their capital cities. Whether or not the Bat Polity was embedded within the

Snake Head Polity, or supplanted by it, is not clear. What is clear is that much still remains to

be learned about the competitive relations between centers of Campeche and Quintana Roo,

and the extent to which the Dynamic Model can establish their rise and fall.

Perhaps the most intriguing unanswered question is how the Mirador Basin managed to

achieve such a headstart on monumentality and political complexity, compared to other low-

land Maya regions. Did it have something to do with the unusual density of sites and the close

proximity of rival cities? Might some of the competing actors have been junior and senior

lineages from the same noble families? What was the relationship between Bat rulers and Snake

Head rulers? What revisionist history were the codex-style painted vessels designed to estab-

lish? The story of the Kaan Polity, if we ever come to know it fully, may place the Mirador

Basin front and center in our efforts to understand how the earliest Maya states formed.

Table 4.1. A Summary of the History of the Kaan Polity.

A.D. 430–435

A.D. 514

A.D. 500–520

The accession of a ruler in A.D. 411 is mentioned on Stela 114 at

Calakmul, a monument set up in front of Structure II (Figure 4.10).

Although there is no mention of the Snake Head emblem, a Bat emblem

(Figure 4.9, upper row, far left) and Chiik Nahb (Figure 8, lower row), one

of the ancient names of Calakmul, do occur.

Another ruler is depicted on Stela 43 at Calakmul (Figure 4.14). Neither

the Snake or Bat emblem is given, but another title—“Divine Man of

Chatan” or k’uhul chatan winik—does appear.

The �rst mention of the Snake Head Polity occurs at the site of Dzibanche

in association with a ruler named Yuknoom Ch’een I, who is said to be the

“Holy Lord of the Snake Head Polity” (Figure 4.1, top row, at right;

Figures 4.5 and 4.6) He is said to have taken the prisoners that are

depicted on the risers of stone steps at Dzibanche (Figures 4.5 and 4.6).

Because the Snake Head emblem glyph is not attested at Calakmul itself at

this time, one possibility is that the Snake Head capital at A.D. 500 was at

Dzibanche or other site.

Page 22

MAYA POLITICAL CYCLING

109

A.D. 535–546

A.D. 561–572

A.D. 572–579

A.D. 579–611

A.D. 619

A.D. 622–630

A.D. 630–636

A.D. 636–686

A.D. 686–695

A.D. 686–750

Another ruler, K’altuun Hix (Figure 4.11), is associated with the Snake

Head Polity; he is said to have overseen the inauguration of the ruler at

Naranjo (Aj Wosal) in A.D. 546 (Schele and Freidel 1990:177).

Sky Witness (Figure 4.11), the ruler of the Snake Head Polity, is reported

to have done two key things: (1) in A.D. 561 he is said to have placed a

ruler on the throne of Los Alacranes; and (2) in A.D. 562 he is said to have

allied with Caracol to defeat Tikal.

Yax Yopaat (Figure 4.11), ruler of the Snake Head Polity, is mentioned at

Dzibanche in A.D. 573 (apparently as participant in the celebration of a

k’atun ending (end of a 20-year period) and at Pol Box, a site not far south

(Esparza Olgu�n and P�rez Guti�rrez 2009; Martin and Grube 2008).

Uneh Chan (Figure 4.11), ruler of the Snake Head Polity, celebrated

victories over Palenque in April, 599 and April, 611 (Marcus 2004b:Figure

13).

Yuknoom ti’Chan (Figure 4.11), ruler of the Snake Head Polity, reinforced

the earlier alliance between Calakmul and Caracol by attending an event

with the ruler of Caracol.

Tajoom Uk’ab K’ak’ (Figure 4.11), ruler of the Snake Head Polity, is

mentioned on a monument at Caracol. Although Stelae 28 and 29 (Figures

4.15, 4.16) at Calakmul commemorate a royal marital pair on two eroded

stones, no preserved Snake Head emblem glyph can be discerned.

Yuknoom Head (Figures 4.7 and 4.11)—ruler of the Snake Head Polity at

Three Stones, Lord of Chiik Nahb—conquered Naranjo in A.D. 631. As

emphasized by Martin and Grube (2008:106), Yuknoom Head is

described as the Snake Head king “at Three Stones” (ta uxte’tuun), the

ancient name of Calakmul; they suggest that “this unique phrasing could

well seek to differentiate him [Yuknoom Head] from other Snake kings

and their capitals—a further hint that some signi�cant change had

occurred.”

During the 50-year reign of Yuknoom Ch’een II (Figure 4.11) we see a

Calakmul ruler clearly designated as king of the capital of the Snake Head

Polity. This ruler is famous for interacting with many far-�ung allies.

The Calakmul ruler named Yuknoom Yich’aak K’ahk’ arranged the

marriage of his sister (Ix K’ab’el) to Kinich Bahlam, the ruler of El Peru (a

site now called Waka’). Ix K’ab’el has the high-ranking title of ix kaloomte’

(Figures 4.17 and 4.18). (Although her stela at El Peru once stood next to

that of her husband [Marcus 1987:Figures 49 and 50] her monument now

resides in Cleveland, Ohio, while that of her husband is in Fort Worth,

Texas!) Yuknoom Yich’aak K’ahk’s strategy of creating loyal allies by

marrying off his sister is one favored by several rulers. Furthermore, the act

of commissioning paired stelae to depict a husband and wife is typical of

Calakmul (Marcus 1987:136) and some of its subordinate centers.

Retrospective King Lists (19 rulers in a dynasty) were commissioned by one

or more rulers of the Snake Head Polity. Although these King Lists are

recorded on Dynastic Vases thought to have been painted at Nakbe, we do

not know who commissioned them or where they were manufactured.

Page 23

Figure 4.1

. P

tog

rap

s of S

telae 2

and 29, sh

g th

e ru

ler

and his wife at Calakmul in A.D. 623. Both th

e ruler (at rig

ht)

and his wife (at left) stand on th

e backs of prisoners.

Figure 4.16

. Stelae 28 and 29 from Calakmul (adapted from

Ruppert an

Denison 1

943:Plates

49c an

49d; Marcus

1987:Figure 48).

Page 24

Figure 4.17

. Stela 34, El Peru (now called Waka’) depicts a

woman from Calakmul named Ix K’ab’el. Like the paired stelae at Calakmul that dep

ict married

couples, this

monumen

t was set up next to

at of her husban

d. Both stelae

were d

edicated

March

, A.D. 692

(Marcus 197

Frontispiece; Marcus 1987: Figure 61).

Figure 4.18

. Stela 34, El Peru

(now

called W

aka’) showing the

royal princess from Calakmul whose name glyphs (Ix K’ab’el) appear in her headdress as well as in the main text (redrawn from Miller 1974: Figure 2 and Marcus 1987: Figure 50).

Page 25

112 THE ANCIENT MAYA OF MEXICO

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