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Overlapping Organizations and Political Crises in South America

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Overlapping Regional Organizations in South America and Africa

Part of the book series: United Nations University Series on Regionalism ((UNSR,volume 22))

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Abstract

In this chapter, we introduce the cases to be analysed in South America. Relevant cases of analysis comprehend the response of regional organizations when dealing with the occurrence of political crises and the activation of Democratic Clauses and Mechanisms for Democracy Protection, and the case selection was designed to cover the relevant normative provisions of the OAS, CELAC, UNASUR, Mercosur, and ALBA, when applicable. The chapter also allows for organizational behavior compilations through the case analysis

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Mainwaring and Pérez-Liñán (2014) affirm that the only countries in Latin America that have not underwent an autocratic regime at this period were Colombia and Venezuela. Nevertheless, we found no data as well for Guyana regimes to be added to table 4.1.

  2. 2.

    The authors illustrate this affirmation with the proposition of the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA or ALCA), which we mentioned in Chap. 2. Even though it ended up not being concretized, it provides a clear image of the United States’s aspirations for the region.

  3. 3.

    On the occasion of the first coup attempt, in 1996, General Lino Oviedo, a military chief, threatened to oust President Juan Carlos Wasmosy, the first civilian elect president after more than thirty years of military rule. Even though the coup failed, Oviedo tried to run for presidency in 1998, but was arrested, managing to elect an ally. The political tensions grew over time and escalated with unrest after the assassination of vice-president Argaña and of protesters in 1999, the resignation of president-elect Raul Cubas (accused to be involved in the assassination of Argaña, together with Oviedo), and finally another attempted coup, staged by Oviedo’s followers, occurred in 2000, but managed to be contained.

  4. 4.

    An interesting article written in 2015 by Marcio de Oliveira Dias, Brazilian former ambassador in Paraguay for the O Globo newspaper, highlights the action of Brazilian diplomat Sebastião do Rego Barros Netto, on the negotiations following the coup attempt in 1996. The full story can be read at <https://oglobo.globo.com/mundo/artigo-quando-brasil-ajudou-impedir-golpe-de-oviedo-18166197>

  5. 5.

    On the idea of a parliamentary coup, cf. Santos, F; Guarnieri, F. From Protest to Parliamentary Coup: An Overview of Brazil’s Recent History, Journal of Latin American Cultural Studies, 25:4, 485–494, 2016. Available at <https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/13569325.2016.1230940>

  6. 6.

    During the impeachment process some countries and organizations expressed their concern about the democratic situation in Brazil and raised the possibility of studying forms of sanction if it was understood that the removal from office of the president had violated the constitutional order. On this topic, see also Jornal Nexos’ analysis of how UNASUR and the OAS saw the impeachment process: <https://www.nexojornal.com.br/expresso/2016/04/17/Como-OEA-e-Unasul-veem-o-impeachment.-E-qual-o-risco-de-Temer-não-ser-reconhecido>. However, after the process was finalized, no formal action was taken by the ROs, and Brazil had no sanctions applied.

  7. 7.

    The official communiqué issued by the Uruguayan Ministry of Foreign Affairs can be read at <https://www.gub.uy/ministerio-relaciones-exteriores/comunicacion/noticias/uruguay-deposita-instrumento-de-ratificacion-del-protocolo-democratico-de>

  8. 8.

    Cf. DECRETO LEGISLATIVO N° 175 DE 2018. DOU (Diário Oficial da União) - 17/12/2018

  9. 9.

    The complete list of deposited instruments of the Andean Community can be accessed at <http://www.comunidadandina.org/Normativa.aspx?link=ID>

  10. 10.

    The Colombian Constitutional Court was critic of the absence of a definition of what could be considered a “rupture of the democratic order” and rejected the possibility of external intervention posed on article 4, d. The whole sentence can be read at <http://www.secretariasenado.gov.co/senado/basedoc/c-644_2004.html#1>

  11. 11.

    ALBA-TCP Central American and Caribbean member states are Antigua and Barbuda, Cuba, Dominica, Grenada, Nicaragua, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines.

  12. 12.

    More information on the events in Ecuador can be read on journalistic outlets such as the BBC on <https://www.bbc.com/portuguese/noticias/2010/09/100930_equador_correa_hospital_cj.shtml>; or Uol on <https://noticias.uol.com.br/internacional/ultimas-noticias/2010/09/30/rafael-correa-e-resgatado-de-hospital-por-exercito.htm>, both in Portuguese.

  13. 13.

    As an associate state, Ecuador has been a signatory to the Mercosur Ushuaia Protocol since 2007, and it has been in force since the deposit of the instruments in 2009. See also Estadão’s “Mercosul condena tentativa de golpe no Equador”, available at: <https://internacional.estadao.com.br/noticias/geral,mercosul-condena-tentativa-de-golpe-no-equador,617,919 > .

  14. 14.

    See also: “Unasul decide fazer reunião de emergência para discutir crise no Equador” Uol Notícias, 30/09/2010. Available at <https://noticias.uol.com.br/internacional/ultimas-noticias/2010/09/30/unasul-decide-fazer-reuniao-de-emergencia-para-discutir-crise-no-equador.htm>

  15. 15.

    On the Paraguayan Foreign Affairs Ministry’s website, it is possible to access the data on the ratification of MERCOSUR’s normative by its member states. For the Ushuaia Protocol, cf.: <https://www.mre.gov.py/tratados/public_web/DetallesTratado.aspx?id=ktUNNjkHcd6x6bSnkufaDA==&em=lc4aLYHVB0dF+kNrtEvsmZ96BovjLlz0mcrZruYPcn8=>

  16. 16.

    Data on the Ushuaia II protocol can also be accessed on the Paraguayan Foreign Ministry website at: <https://www.mre.gov.py/tratados/public_web/DetallesTratado.aspx?id=dxmiRrluWRS5wpK1lax3qw%3d%3d&em=lc4aLYHVB0dF+kNrtEvsmZ96BovjLlz0mcrZruYPcn8%3d>

  17. 17.

    Cf. Paraguay. Resolución No 979 del 25 de octubre de 2012.

  18. 18.

    Cf.: OAS CP/DEC. 51 (1957/14) “Solidarity and Support for Democratic Institutions, Dialogue, and Peace in the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela”, adopted at the meeting held on 7 March 2014.

  19. 19.

    See also El País’ journalistic coverage on <https://brasil.elpais.com/brasil/2015/11/12/internacional/1447290067_713993.html>

  20. 20.

    Cf. BBC’s coverage on the issue, available at: <https://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-39726605>

  21. 21.

    With the support of Bolivia, Suriname, and Ecuador, Venezuela vetoed the indication of Argentina’s candidate for the post of Secretary General, and no consensus could be reached.

  22. 22.

    See also Reuters’ coverage at <https://www.reuters.com/article/us-unasur-membership/six-south-american-nations-suspend-membership-of-anti-u-s-bloc-idUSKBN1HR2P6>

  23. 23.

    The whole pronouncement of Luís Almagro after the elections can be watched in a video named “Message from OAS Secretary General on Elections in Venezuela”, published by the OAS TV on <https://vimeo.com/271174545>

  24. 24.

    Brazil’s non-ratification was, at first, directly related to the large amount of time international acts take to be internalized in the domestic legal order. Currently, there are no perspectives of ratification by any of the countries since they all have suspended their participation in the bloc.

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Ribeiro, C.C.N. (2022). Overlapping Organizations and Political Crises in South America. In: Overlapping Regional Organizations in South America and Africa. United Nations University Series on Regionalism, vol 22. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-98900-2_4

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-98900-2_4

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