President Zelensky could not have been more insistent. Ukraine needs the promised new American weapons and aid now. Not in a week, a month or however long the bureaucracy takes to deliver the $61 billion in help finally authorised by a grudging Congress, but in the next few days. Russian drones, missiles and artillery are mercilessly pounding Kharkiv, and Russian forces are steadily advancing on the villages and key roads around Ukraine’s second city. Without effective air defences, Ukraine will find it hard to halt the destruction or deny Moscow an important victory.
Antony Blinken listened and agreed. The US secretary of state, making his fourth and most urgent visit to Kyiv, well knows what is at stake, and said so. “This is a challenging time,” he told his host. In the last few days Russia has pushed the long static front line west and seized about 50 square miles of Ukrainian territory. Ukraine is desperately short of ammunition. It lacks the air defences to halt the waves of bombardments of its key electricity networks and other vital infrastructure. Morale is low and there are growing difficulties in recruiting enough troops to relieve those fighting nonstop for more than a year while filling the gaps left by an alarmingly high casualty rate.
Mr Blinken insisted that help was on the way. Jake Sullivan, President Biden’s national security adviser, said on Monday that deliveries would be speeded up, adding to the artillery, air defence interceptors and long-range ballistic missiles already sent. But Kyiv urgently needs another Patriot system to protect Kharkiv from the rain of destruction that has already taken a heavy toll. Mr Blinken insisted that fresh US weapons would make an enormous difference, though he was cautious about Kyiv’s longer-term prospects.
Both Washington and Kyiv know that Russia has seen a window of opportunity and ruthlessly exploited Ukraine’s current weakness. President Putin has streamlined his war machine to take advantage of Russia’s improvements in its strategy, tactics, army command and weapons procurements. His removal of Sergei Shoigu, the defence minister, and replacement by Andrei Belousov is a shrewd move. Shoigu, a longstanding political ally, has, if anything, been promoted by taking charge of Russia’s security council, a key position that can effectively head off any rumblings of discontent with Putin’s leadership and virtually lifelong presidency. Putin has also undercut complaints by some senior generals (and notably Yevgeny Prigozhin, the late and unlamented head of the Wagner mercenaries) about Shoigu’s conduct of the war. His replacement is an economist who knows that the war will be determined by Russia’s ability and resources to commit everything to victory while leaving the daily conduct to generals now battle-hardened.
Mr Blinken’s visit is timely, intended to remind Europe that Russia’s invasion is still the greatest challenge to western freedom and security, despite the Biden administration’s preoccupation with Gaza. He can also assess the mood and political balance in Kyiv, quietly underlining the need for a continued clampdown on corruption and reforms needed for possible future Nato membership. America’s belated but generous emergency aid should also be a reproof to European hesitancy in supplying Kyiv with what it needs to halt Russia’s advance. The prospect of Kharkiv’s fall is, and should be, too dreadful to contemplate.
