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Frank Furedi
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Populism and the European Culture Wars: The Conflict of Values between Hungary and the EU Paperback – 14 Aug. 2017

by Frank Furedi (Author)
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Concern and hostility towards populism has become a distinctive feature of contemporary political culture. In Europe such concerns are frequently directed at Eurosceptics, whose opposition to the European Union is often portrayed as a cultural crime. Ancient anti-democratic claims about the gullibility, ignorance and irrationality of the masses are frequently recycled through the anti-populist condemnation of people who vote the wrong way.

This book argues that the current outburst of anti-populist anxiety is symptomatic of a loss of faith in democracy and in the ability of the demos to assume the role of responsible citizens. Distrust of the people and of parliamentary sovereignty is reinforced by the concern that, on its own, liberal democracy lacks the normative foundation to inspire the loyalty and affection of ordinary citizens. Through focusing on the conflict between the European Union’s Commission and the Government of Hungary, this book explores contrasting attitudes towards national sovereignty, popular sovereignty and the question of tradition and the past as the main drivers of the culture war in Europe.

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  1. ISBN-10
    9781138097438
  2. ISBN-13
    978-1138097438
  3. Edition
    1st
  4. Publication date
    14 Aug. 2017
  5. Language
    English
  6. Dimensions
    15.6 x 0.89 x 23.39 cm
  7. Print length
    152 pages
  8. See all details
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4.3 out of 5 stars
26 global ratings

Top reviews from United Kingdom

Paul Towlson
5.0 out of 5 stars This hugely important book is about much more than “populism”
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on 3 September 2017
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Furedi exposes the fundamental conflicts of values that are at the core of the crisis afflicting Western society. The current indignation against populism is a phenomenon that has its roots in an elite mistrust of the mob as far back as Plato, but that has gained particular force following the horrors of 1930’s and 1940’s fascism that were precisely the result of popular elections.

There are significant sections of Western electorates that are seen to be uneducated, irrational, prejudiced, prone to racism, morally inferior and stuck in old-fashioned views. These are the characteristics of “populist” movements and the narratives suggest they are dangerous, extreme, and a threat to democracy and liberal values. It is this sentiment that justifies the insulation of technocratic government from the choice of electorates that is characteristic of the EU.

Furedi argues that the defenders of liberalism, in their disappointment and condemnation of people voting “the wrong way” have become selective in their commitment to democracy. His conclusion is that anti-populism represents a far greater menace to democratic politics than the disparate movements represented by the populist reaction to elite values. The characteristics of anti-populism have become illiberal and disturbingly intolerant, and in the context of the EU they manifest as a latter day cultural imperialism.

Furedi develops this by examining the conflict between the EU and Hungary over its alleged illiberal politics. Furedi is no supporter of the Hungarian regime, and in fact has long espoused a commitment to secular humanism, free speech and free movement, commitments that are not held dear by the current Hungarian government. However, it is Furedi’s attachment to popular sovereignty that leads him to defend a nationalist, Christian conservative government.

Culture is a key word in Furedi’s argument and one that he associates with the values that give meaning to our lives. The “Culture Wars” with its politicisation of the personal emerged in the US in the 1960’s and since then all major conflicts in society have been linked in some way to disputes over cultural values. In the US, the absence of consensus on the fundamental values that guide human behaviour has recently escalated into the outright polarisation of the 2016 presidential election. In Europe, Furedi suggests that the controversies are to do with the meaning of European culture, the place of Christianity, multiculturalism, and the value of national sentiment. The latter in particular has been the focus of a thoroughgoing strategy of de-legitimation. In its place diversity has taken on the role of a sacred principle. What unites developments in the US and Europe is the politics of identity that has come to replace the consciousness of citizenship within a nation. Although only commented on by Furedi, we are now seeing the destructive divisiveness of identity politics that sets national identity as antithetical to minority identities.

Furedi notes that the hostility of liberals towards national loyalties is a recent development. The emergence of liberal Enlightenment ideals was coincident with the rise of nation states, and in both the French and American constitutions the ideas of sovereignty, people and the nation are bound together. The contrast with the EU’s vision of transnationalism and its fear of national identities is profound. Why the change? Furedi cites Roger Scruton for whom the “founding myth” of European integration is the belief that nationhood and national self-determination were the cause of the wars that ruined Europe. European integration is predicated on a fear of a resurgence of the nationalist xenophobia of the 1930’s and 1940’s, and thus any manifestation of scepticism over the European project becomes a moral issue.

If this is the case, it is no surprise that the EU struggles both with its history and with its values, something that has been noted not only by Eurosceptics, but also by committed proponents. The danger is that fundamental questions regarding the legitimacy of political institutions, and the foundation of the social and moral order are not being addressed. The civilisational legacy that could provide this foundation is seen instead as an embarrassing past to be disavowed.

This short book of 144 pages succeeds in identifying the real nature of the issues surrounding “populism” and can do more than suggest what we might do to in response. However, Furedi is clear that the role of nations with their sense of identity, history and traditions must not be neglected. The undermining of nations by EU policies and values is a direct threat to “popular sovereignty and the values associated with its exercise [that] is the most robust foundation on which public life can flourish.”

If Furedi’s analysis is correct then the future of Europe and Western society is at stake.
24 people found this helpful
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BILL
5.0 out of 5 stars A Must Read to Understand Regent Viktor's Hungary.
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on 6 April 2018
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Well, its actually a love/hate relationship so I would have preferred to give it a 4.5 because I disagree with Furedi's position just as strongly as I respect it, but it is certainly essential reading for anyone hoping to understand what is going on and why in Viktor Orban's Illiberal Democracy and what will happen after tomorrow's general election. It is without question a highly intelligent, inspiring and challenging apologia for cultural nationalism in conflict with globalisation and internationalist values that is not unrelated to something I heard about the other day called Brexit. People who understand Hungary will be inspired by it. People who don't understand Hungary could learn a lot from it. But I think Furedi makes a false dichotomy between the Enlightenment ideals of truth and reason and the relativism that is an essential part of the scientific method and the belief that truth is never monolithic. It is a pity his intellectual experience seems to have been only that of academia. But whatever you think of it, if you want to understand Hungary today and tomorrow you must read it.
6 people found this helpful
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S Brown
5.0 out of 5 stars A must read for anyone interested in our relationship with the EU
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on 1 September 2017
If only the people currently clamouring to remain in the EU would read this book - they won't of course, confirmation bias being what it is - but it would give them pause. Although this book is about Hungary, it gives an eloquent account of the ruthless determination of the EU to distort European history and traduce those who wish to restore sovereignty and democracy or maintain a national identity. The EU is even more sinister than I had realised (which is saying something). This book adds a vital cultural dimension to the more common arguments about the EU.
17 people found this helpful
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North Yorkshire
4.0 out of 5 stars An intelligent defense of populism, but a bit of an odd book
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on 14 January 2020
This book really starts from Orban's decision to re-write its constitution (the 'Fundamental Law' that establishes the core values and principles) to bring in more Hungarian tradition and values. There is reference to Christian values: family, tradition, nation. Furedi notes that this is very much the kind of thing that many other nations championed after WWII, but that since the 1990s these values have taken a back seat as these they are what constrain 'identity politics' (multiculturalism, sexuality, non-Christian religion, &c). So, he explores the EU's impatience with Hungary and also why Hungary finds this frustrating, in its turn.

Each chapter picks up on a (slightly) different slant on this central issue. He is clearly against the EU's vision of 'constitutional patriotism', which he reads as loyalty to bureaucratic processes and asks some clear questions about why the EU is so against exactly the kind of thing Western countries were doing only a few decades ago. The chapter on the 'memory wars' picks its way carefully through why the EU promoted Holocaust remembrance so much in the 1990s (they suddenly decided, he argues, that the Holocaust was what its anti-nationalist liberalism protected us all from) and how the Eastern European countries found this awkwardly crowding out their own remembrance of the Gulag - though surely these are the areas in which the death camps were located (Timothy Synder's 'bloodlands'?).

There is not very much in here about Hungary or Orban - Furedi defends his right to make the points he makes, but also says he disagrees with many of his right-wing policies. There are bits about Hungary's history (probably not enough coverage of its imperial and WWII background), but Hungary is really a pretext to make the kind of points Furedi always makes. He is always well-researched and presents his case clearly and neatly to the point.

Despite the fact he is anti-EU and against 'constitutional patriotism' (it is mere bureaucratic will) i thought I might like to check out some Habermas's writings on this. Why shouldn't we want to include diverse others in our sense of who 'we' now are? A mild attachment to rules that show 'us' how to do this sounds ok to me. That said, hIs view about the liberal elite fearing and disdaining 'the people' as irrational and pathological is well-made and, I agree that the way forward, includes acknowledging this and showing more respect for nationalist views, rather than demonising them.

So, though I probably prefer the weak 'constitutional patriotism' position he dismisses, I am grateful for his intelligent and informed take of the issues and I agree that the liberal view might be better to be less fragile, touchy, and alarmist. I read this as an e-book from a library, but in writing this review I have just noticed the hard-back price is £97 - that is crazy. Why do publishers do this?
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thomas edward lammertse
5.0 out of 5 stars Excellent
Reviewed in the United States on 23 April 2020
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The best explanation of the origins and dimensions of the conflict between the present day supranational and traditional ideals of governance I have read
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Wolfgang >60
5.0 out of 5 stars Deutschland an der Schnittstelle Europas: Probleme, Ursachen, Konsequenzen
Reviewed in Germany on 19 April 2018
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Ungarn - Viktor Orban, die Fidesz-Partei oder als demokratischer Staat - stehen nur exemplarisch für historische Probleme der Einigung Europas, über deren Existenz bzw. Ursachen von den „federführenden“ EU-Verantwortlichen in Politik, Medien und Wirtschaft nur ungern gesprochen wird.
Gerade für die Deutschen in Ost und West ergeben sich Einsichten in die Ursachen aktueller Konflikte, die auf die frühere Zugehörigkeit zu den zwei Machtblöcken der Nachkriegszeit oder andere Sachverhalte zurückgeführt werden.
Der Autor - Wissenschaftler ungarischer Herkunft auf einem Lehrstuhl in England – analysiert aus übergeordneter Position und gibt Hinweise auf zwangsläufige Konsequenzen, die nach dem Brexit selbst von den westlichen Eliten mit ihrer medialen Deutungshoheit nicht ignoriert werden können.
Meine Kurzfassung der Zusammenhänge:
Die Sinn-stiftende Narration für den Zusammenschluss westeuropäischer Staaten weist über die wirtschaftliche und soziale Bedeutung hinaus und soll eine friedliche Lösung von Konflikten ermöglich: ein global ausgerichtetes Europa ohne innere Grenzen.
Deshalb haben die westlichen Eliten in Politik, Wirtschaft und Medien eine Neuinterpretation der europäischen Geschichte vorgenommen, bei der die Existenz eigenständiger Nationen als Quelle und Ursache für alle früheren Konflikte und Probleme identifiziert wurde. Die Zeitrechnung dieses politisch-wirtschaftlichen Neuanfangs Europas beginnt daher mit dem Ende des zweiten Weltkrieges; die Zeit davor wird weitgehend ausgeklammert.
Auf der Basis gemeinsamer Werte soll diese multikulturelle, weltoffene Gemeinschaft in einem Europa ohne innere Grenzen entwickelt werden. Dabei wird nur vage festgelegt, was die gemeinsamen Werte umfassen, um sich nicht einzuengen; dementsprechend kann eine demokratische Legitimation für diesen Prozess und dessen weitere Entwicklung nur pauschal eingeholt werden.

Als Reaktion darauf hatte in den Staaten der Sowjet-Union eine parallele Entwicklung stattgefunden, bei der ein „neuer Mensch“ das friedliche Zusammenleben der Völker sicherstellen sollte; die zugehörige Narration war auch hier auf einen Neuanfang der Geschichte der Nationen auf das Ende des zweiten Weltkrieges datiert. Aber in diesen Staaten lebte die Erinnerung an die eigene Geschichte selbständiger Nationen weiter, wie nationale Proteste oder Aufstände zeigten, mit denen die Bevölkerungen auf staatliche Repression reagierten.
Letztlich hatten sie als individuelle „Völker“ mit friedlichen Protesten beim Zusammenbruch der Sowjet-Union Erfolg, was eine neue, „natürliche“ Narration der befreiten Völker mit nationaler Identität und 1989 als Jahr des Neubeginns auf historischer Basis begründete.
In dieser Situation war mit dem Beitritt dieser Staaten zur EU eine bedingungslose Übernahme der westlichen Narration insofern ausgeschlossen, als für diese Staaten Begriffe wie Volk oder Nation eine konkrete Bedeutung hatten, die sie nicht per akademischer Wertediskussion aufgeben wollten; im Gegenteil: Die westlichen Staaten sollten die bisher weitgehend versäumte Wertediskussion – konkret am Beispiel der Frage, ob der Islam in seinem Wesen zu Europa gehören könne – endlich nachholen und sich die Legitimation der eigenen Bevölkerung einholen.
Als Anlass diente der zeitweilige Kontrollverlust bei der Sicherung der Außengrenzen durch die Entscheidung der deutschen Bundekanzlerin, muslimische Flüchtlinge ohne Obergrenzen nach Deutschland einreisen zu lassen, um später eine gleichmäßige Verteilung der Flüchtlinge in die Länder Europas erzwingen zu wollen. Verschärft wird die Situation durch Terrorismus und arabischen Antisemitismus.

Mit der Renaissance des Begriffes Volk - „Wir sind das Volk“ - hatten die westlichen Eliten nicht gerechnet; Strategie und mediale Deutungshoheit waren gefährdet:
Sie reagierten repressiv, indem sie alle der im Westen verfolgten Strategie widersprechenden Konzepte als „populistisch“ verteufelten und in die „rechte Ecke“ stellten oder - politisch korrekt - mit Tabu-Begriffen wie rassistisch, xyz-feindlich, nazistisch, faschistisch usw. belegten.
Wir kennen ja die Populismus-Vorwürfe gegen Bürger der neuen Bundesländer, die in moralischen Keulenargumenten wie Rassismus, Fremdenfeindlichkeit oder Rechtsextremismus kumulieren, zumal im „Osten“ auf absehbare Zeit nicht der Grad an muslimischer Durchdringung wie im „Westen“ erreicht werde!
So wurden die Menschen in Ungarn, aber auch in westlichen Staaten nach Wahlergebnissen, die als Kritik an den herrschenden Eliten verstanden wurden, als politisch unreif oder „undemokratisch“ kritisiert.
Damit rief man aber eher Trotzreaktionen gegen diese Versuche politischer Bevormundung hervor, die zu Wählerwanderungen mit der Möglichkeit von Macht- und Kontrollverlust der klassischen Parteien führten.
Man hat inzwischen den Eindruck, dass bei den Eliten in Politik, Medien, Wissenschaft und Wirtschaft ein Umdenken beginnt, allerdings scheint dies eher durch Taktik als durch Einsicht geprägt zu sein. Im Gegenzug haben „Populisten“ trotz der einseitigen Berichterstattung bzw. Interpretation der Medien durch Wiederbelebung basisdemokratischer Prozesse an Vertrauen gewonnen.

Insofern können klassische Parteien erst dann Vertrauen zurück gewinnen, wenn sie sich mit europäischen Werten explizit identifizieren und nicht nur pauschal auf das Grundgesetz oder andere Vorschriften verweisen, die bereits jetzt in den existierenden Parallelgesellschaften beliebig umgangen werden.
Die Ergebnisse europäischer Geschichte müssen verteidigt und auch gegenüber Zuwanderern anderer Kulturen zur verbindlichen Voraussetzung gemacht und durchgesetzt werden.
Die Phase der Relativierung der eigenen Kulturen muss definitiv beendet werden!
Es gilt also nicht darum, die Bevölkerung zu informieren oder „aufzuklären“, sondern darum, gezielte Versäumnisse westlicher Eliten zu korrigieren; der Hinweis auf das Buch „Der Selbstmord Europas“ bietet sich an dieser Stelle an!
7 people found this helpful
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Ben C.
5.0 out of 5 stars Excellent!
Reviewed in the United States on 24 August 2018
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A fantastic and well reasoned critique of contemporary European politics and the elites that are seen as responsible for a decline in both traditional values and classical liberal democracy. Good insights regardless of personal political views. Recommended.
One person found this helpful
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Kada Agnes
5.0 out of 5 stars Super book on why West will never understand East, and continues considering it as an inferior colony
Reviewed in Germany on 7 March 2018
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Very interesting Book. I ám working in the European Parliament for 11years, and I can confirm that what is written down about how the EC is pushing its own politics without taking into consideration the interest of the member states is so true. I decided to order 6additional, then 8 additional and one more example to distribute among my colleagues.
3 people found this helpful
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